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Fong 11/17/03 1 Penn Ghosts, Shadows and Resultatives: The Lexical Representation of Verbs Sandiway Fong, Christiane Fellbaum, David Lebeaux, Talana 42,

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Presentation on theme: "Fong 11/17/03 1 Penn Ghosts, Shadows and Resultatives: The Lexical Representation of Verbs Sandiway Fong, Christiane Fellbaum, David Lebeaux, Talana 42,"— Presentation transcript:

1 Fong 11/17/03 1 Penn Ghosts, Shadows and Resultatives: The Lexical Representation of Verbs Sandiway Fong, Christiane Fellbaum, David Lebeaux, Talana 42, pp , March, CIS 630 Martha Palmer November 17, 2003

2 Fong 11/17/03 2 Penn Compared to: Malka Rappaport-Hovav & Beth Levin (1998) The Projection of Arguments: Lexical and Compositional Factors. Miriam Butt and Wilhelm Geuder (eds.), CSLI Publications. Same examples considered, different mechanism for constructing representations.

3 Fong 11/17/03 3 Penn Regular Polysemy?  sweep  Terry swept. ACTIVITY  Terry swept the floor.  *Terry swept the crumbs.  Terry swept the crumbs into the corner. CH-LOC  Terry swept the leaves off the sidewalk. CH-LOC  Terry swept the floor clean. CH-STATE  Terry swept the leaves into a pile. CREATION

4 Fong 11/17/03 4 Penn Regular Polysemy?  sweep, wipe  ?Terry wiped. ACTIVITY  Terry wiped the table.  *Terry wiped the crumbs.  Terry wiped the crumbs into the sink. CH-LOC  Terry wiped the crumbs off the table. CH-LOC  Terry wiped the slate clean. CH-STATE  ?Terry wiped the crumbs into a pile. CREATION

5 Fong 11/17/03 5 Penn Regular Polysemy?  run  Pat ran. ACTIVITY  Pat ran to the beach. DIRECTED-MOTION/GOAL  Pat ran herself ragged. CH-STATE  Pat ran her shoes to shreds. CH-STATE  Pat ran clear of the falling rocks. CH-LOC  The coach ran the athletes around the track. CH-LOC

6 Fong 11/17/03 6 Penn Event structure templates  Activities [X ACT ]  States [X ]  Achievements [BECOME [X ]]  Accomplishments [[X ACT ] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y ]]] [ X CAUSE [BECOME [ Y ]]]

7 Fong 11/17/03 7 Penn Lexical aspectual classification  Manner verbs are activities (sweep) [X ACT] [X sweep ]  Result verbs are achievements (arrive) [BECOME [X ]] or accomplishments (dry) [[X ACT] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y ]]]

8 Fong 11/17/03 8 Penn Lexical aspectual classification  Transformations x CAUSE y XFORM (y’)  Manner verbs are activities (sweep) [X ACT] [X sweep ] x ACT ON y  Result verbs are achievements or accomplishments (dry) [[X ACT] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y ]]] x CAUSE y BECOME

9 Fong 11/17/03 9 Penn Event structure templates  Sweep as an activity. [X ACT] [X sweep ]  Sweep as an accomplishment [[X ACT Y] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y ]]] [[X ACT Y] CAUSE [BECOME [ Z ]]]

10 Fong 11/17/03 10 Penn Building the meaning  participants associated with the constant  variables in the event template structure  # Participants > then # variables? Two types of participants, structure and content: 1) licensed by constant AND event template 2) licensed by constant

11 Fong 11/17/03 11 Penn Accounting for variations  Template Augmentation: Event structure templates may be freely augmented up to other possible templates in the basic inventory of event structure templates.

12 Fong 11/17/03 12 Penn Well-formedness conditions  Subevent Identification Condition: Each subevent in the event structure must be identified by a lexical head (e.g., a V, an A, or a P) in the syntax.  Argument Realization Condition:  There must be an argument XP in the syntax for each structure participant in the event structure.  Each argument XP in the syntax must be associated with an identified subevent in the event structure.

13 Fong 11/17/03 13 Penn Augmenting Templates: sweep  Basic meaning -> [X sweep Y]  Augmentations [[X sweep Y] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y ]]]  Phil swept the floor clean.  *Phil swept the floor clean for an hour.  Phil almost swept the floor clean.  Phil almost swept the floor.  *Phil swept clean. Y cannot be omitted.

14 Fong 11/17/03 14 Penn Event structure templates  Sweep as an activity. [X ACT] [X sweep ] x ACT ON y John ACT ON floor  Sweep as an accomplishment [[X ACT Y] CAUSE [BECOME [ Y ]]] [[X ACT Y] CAUSE [BECOME [ Z ]]] x ACT ON y & y BE John ACT ON floor & floor BE John scrubbed the floor clean.

15 Fong 11/17/03 15 Penn Condition 1  Check Off Condition: All secondary template elements must be checked off against corresponding elements in a primary template. (Two y’s have to corefer.)  Unique State Condition: may occur at most once in a template. (Rules out *The alarm awakened the hotel guests alert.)

16 Fong 11/17/03 16 Penn Transformations – Change of state?  The spy shredded the documents into pieces. x CAUSE y XFORM (y’) & y BECOME y’ spy CAUSE documents XFORM (pieces’) & documents BECOME pieces  Claim is transformations are more permanent  The spy shredded the documents into pieces but the CIA pieced it back together again.

17 Fong 11/17/03 17 Penn Syntactic analysis of resultatives  Small clause [ VP [ V wipe] [ AP [ NP the table] [ A clean]]] VP Case wiped I(AGR)[1] V V Grid([x],[y] Act(,x,on(y),move(z) AP NP[2] case(acc) theta(y) A1 Be(y, ) gri N1 DET thetable VP

18 Fong 11/17/03 18 Penn Ghosts  Licensing ghosts: Check off unchecked y, resulting y* unrestricted. (Must appear in direct object position.)  She ran her new shoes threadbare.  *She ran her new shoes. y BE x ACT & y* BE She ACT & shoes BE

19 Fong 11/17/03 19 Penn Figure/Ground verbs  rub the skin. GROUND rub the skin with lotion *rub the lotion. rub the lotion into the skin. x ACT ON y  *set the ring. set the ring with the diamond. set the diamond. FIGURE set the diamond into the ring. x CAUSE diamond BECOME [FIGURE]

20 Fong 11/17/03 20 Penn The FIGURE feature  [FIGURE] The argument encoding the Figure feature in a Figure/Ground template must be realized in syntax.  Is the ground argument a shadow?  *spread the bread.  *spread the bread with cheese (garlic butter?).  spread the cheese.  spread the cheese onto the bread.

21 Fong 11/17/03 21 Penn ± FIGURE  inject the patient. inject the patient with drugs. inject the drug. inject the drug into the patient. x CAUSE drug/patient BECOME [ ± FIGURE]  Contrast with taste the soup for poison  No change of location of y.  Also The needle poked the cloth.  No moving of y to subject position.

22 Fong 11/17/03 22 Penn Augmenting Templates: sweep  Basic meaning -> [X sweep Y]  Augmentations [[X sweep Y] CAUSE [BECOME [ Z ]]]  Phil swept the crumbs into the corner.  Also  scatter the seeds./scatter the seeds on the field.  daub the paint/daub the wall with paint/ daub paint on the wall.

23 Fong 11/17/03 23 Penn Shadows  Shadow Realization Rule: Shadow arguments are not realized in syntax except when checked off by matching secondary templates.  Secondary Template Subject Rule: Subjects of secondary tempates must be realized as direct objects.

24 Fong 11/17/03 24 Penn Shadows – removal verbs  Mary cleared the table.  Mary cleared the table of dishes.  *Mary cleared the table up/away.  *Mary cleared the dishes. ? x CAUSE y BECOME (REMOVE z) No secondary predication, so dishes can’t be DO  Mary cleared the dishes from the table.  Mary cleared the dishes up?/away. x CAUSE y BECOME (REMOVE z) & z up

25 Fong 11/17/03 25 Penn Shadows – manner verbs  Mary swept the driveway.  *Mary swept the driveway up.  *Mary swept the driveway of leaves.  Mary swept the leaves off the driveway. x CAUSE y BECOME (REMOVE z) z OFF  Mary swept the leaves up./Mary swept up the leaves?  *Mary swept/raked the leaves.? x CAUSE y BECOME (REMOVE z) No secondary predication, so leaves can’t be DO

26 Fong 11/17/03 26 Penn Augmenting Templates – spray/load  John sprayed paint on the wall. Ambiguous [John ACT wall] CAUSE [BECOME [ paint ]]]  John sprayed the wall with paint. [John ACT wall] CAUSE [BECOME [ wall ]]]

27 Fong 11/17/03 27 Penn Shadows – Put verbs  I painted the wall.  I painted the wall with latex paint.  *I painted latex paint. x CAUSE y BECOME (ADD z) No secondary predication, so paint can’t be DO  I painted latex paint on the wall. x CAUSE y BECOME (ADD z) z ON  I sprayed the wall.  I sprayed the wall with latex paint.  ?I sprayed latex paint.  I sprayed latex paint on the wall.

28 Fong 11/17/03 28 Penn Shadows and Resultatives  Mary piled the books.  Mary piled the books high. x CAUSE y RECONFIG (LOC z) & y BE  Mary piled the books on the shelves.  *Mary piled the shelves. x CAUSE y RECONFIG (LOC z) No secondary predication, so shelves can’t be DO  Mary piled the shelves high (with books). x CAUSE y RECONFIG (LOC z) & z WITH y & y BE syntactic – shelves -> high, semantic – books -> high  Mary piled the shelves with books.

29 Fong 11/17/03 29 Penn Implementation  wipe:  Template: act(manner(wiping), x, on(y))  Theta-grid: grid([x],[y])  Syntax: [ NP x] [ VP [ V wipe] [ NP y]]  clean(A):  Template: be(y,state(clean))  Theta-grid: grid([y],[])  Syntax: [ AP [ NP y] [ A’ [ A clean]]]  clean(V):  Template: cause(x,become(y,state(clean)))  Theta-grid: grid([x],[y])  Syntax: [ NP x] [ VP [ V clean] [ NP y]]

30 Fong 11/17/03 30 Penn Implementation  Lexical entries:  semTemplate(wipe,v,activity(wiping),[morph(wipe,[])]).  semTemplate(clean,v,accomplishment(clean),[morph(clean,[])]).  Verb Classes:  semTemplateNetwork(activity(M),[],[act(manner(M), x, on(y))]).  semTemplateNetwork(accomplishment(M),[], [caus(x,become(y,state(clean)))])  External Theta Roles:  linkRule(act(_,X,_), [grid([X],_)]).  linkRule(caus(X,_), [grid([X],_)]).  Internal Theta Roles:  linkRule(act(_,_,on(Y)), [grid(_,[Y])]).  linkRule(become(Y,_), [grid(_,[Y])]).  Resultative:  linkRule(be(Y,_), [grid([Y],_)]).


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