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Marc Brunelle University of Ottawa Institute of Phonetics, Cologne, June 7 2010.

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Presentation on theme: "Marc Brunelle University of Ottawa Institute of Phonetics, Cologne, June 7 2010."— Presentation transcript:

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2 Marc Brunelle University of Ottawa marc.brunelle@uottawa.ca Institute of Phonetics, Cologne, June 7 2010

3 The Northern Vietnamese (NVN) tone system

4 The Southern Vietnamese (SVN) tone system Back to discussion

5 Tonal coarticulation  The physical realization of a tone varies depending on its environment  Neighboring tones  Intonation  Vowels and consonants  Example: In Vietnamese, a mid-level tone starts higher after a rising tone than after a falling tone

6 Progressive coarticulation in tone huy ề n Female SVN Subject

7 Language-specific hypotheses  Coarticulation should be bidirectional as in other tone languages (Han and Kim 1974, Shen 1990, Gandour et al. 1994, Brunelle 2003)  There should be more progressive than regressive coarticulation in NVN (Han and Kim 1974, Brunelle 2003)  Similar results in Thai (Gandour et al. 1994)  Contours should be relatively stable (Han and Kim 1974, Brunelle 2003)

8  If a phonetic dimension is crowded, it should vary less (evidence from V-V and nasal coarticulation)  Supporting evidence (Manuel and Krakow 1984, Magen 1984, Cohn 1990, Choi 1995, Manuel 1999)  Conflicting evidence (Clumeck 1976, Han 2007)  If this is true of tonal coarticulation as well?  Pitch targets are less important in NVN than in SVN, because voice quality plays a perceptual role role in NVN tones (Vũ 1981, 1982, Brunelle 2006)  Because of the lesser role of voice quality in SVN, contours should be less variable Hypotheses based on models of coarticulation Tone 1 Tone 2 Tone 1 (modal voice) Tone 2 (creaky voice) F0 Dialect ADialect B 

9 The recordings  5 NVN speakers (3 women, 2 men)  6 SVN speakers (3 women, 3 men)  Read the syllable /ma/ with all tones after the vowel / ɨ / bearing all tones.  Frame sentences are half-realistic as strange first names were coined for the experiment.  Meaningful: Để tôi nói chữ mạ xem ông đ ó có hiểu không. Let me say the word ‘rice seedling’ to see if that man understands.  Borderline: Để tôi chào s ư Ma xem ông ấy có nhớ tôi không. Let me greet monk Ma to see if he remembers me.  36 (NVN) or 25 (SVN) frame sentences read 10 times each.

10 Results: direction of coarticulation  Impressionistically, there is more progressive than anticipatory coarticulation in all speakers Anticipatory, in ngangProgressive, in ngang Female SVN speaker

11 Results: A tone in which voice quality is crucial  When voice quality is a central phonetic cue, pitch varies more (extreme example) Anticipatory, in nặngProgressive, in nặng Male NVN speaker

12 Quantification of coarticulation  The vowels / ɨ / and /a/ and the intervening /m/ are measured at 5 equidistant points  General linear model analysis for each dialect (modified from Gandour et al. 1994)  Dependant variable ▪ F0 of 5 measurement points of each tone before all tones (anticipatory coarticulation) ▪ F0 of 5 measurement points of each tone after all tones (progressive coarticulation)  Factors ▪ Speaker ▪ F0 at edge of adjacent vowel ▪ onset of V2 for anticipatory ▪ offset of V1 for progressive

13 Strength of coarticulation (in F values) NVN SVN AnticipatoryProgressive

14 Summary of results (language-specific hypotheses)  Stronger coarticulation in NVN than in SVN  Bi-directional coarticulation, assimilatory in both directions  Different from Thai (Gandour et al. 1994)  Stronger progressive than anticipatory coarticulation in both dialects, but:  Much more short-distance progressive than anticipatory coarticulation  Slightly more long-distance anticipatory than progressive coarticulation ▪ Would the effect be stronger in real speech? (wordlist effect)

15 Discussion: the role of voice quality  Voice quality in NVN tones allows more variation in pitch without risk of confusion Hence more coarticulation  The strength of coarticulation seems predictable from patterns of contrast (Manuel and Krakow 1984)

16 Discussion: Anticipatory vs. Progressive  Two types of coarticulation (Perkell and Chiang 1996)  Long-distance anticipatory coarticulation is due to planning on the part of the speaker ▪ Start early but don’t blur tonal contrasts!  Short-distance progressive coarticulation is due to immediate physical constraints ▪ You can’t jump from 100 to 200 Hz in 5 milliseconds! ▪ Other types of phonetic dimensions and other languages favor anticipatory coarticulation. X ?

17 Discussion: Why is there more progressive coarticulation?  Rises and drops in pitch are often delayed (Ohala 1978)  Universal constraints…  A foresighted speaker could plan ahead and anticipate…  Tone onsets are less distinct than tone offsets, so blurring is less costly from a communicative point of view  A language with more variation at tone onsets than tone offsets should exhibit stronger anticipatory coarticulation Tone charts

18 Conclusion  Two types of assimilatory co-articulation in NVN and SVN  Long-distance anticipatory co-articulation ▪ The speaker is anticipating the following tone  Short-distance progressive co-articulation ▪ Physical constraints on pitch production; transitions cannot be too abrupt  The functional load of pitch determines the extent of coarticulation  NVN has pitch and voice quality: more co-articulation  SVN has pitch only: less co-articulation  The direction of coarticulation is determined by the tonal targets

19 Marc Brunelle marc.brunelle@uottawa.ca Hạ Kiều Ph ươ ng kha@smail.uni-koeln.de Martine Grice martine.grice@uni-koeln.de Institute of Phonetics, Cologne June 7, 2010

20 An old question...  Communicative functions  Markers (morphemes, particles, …)  Sentence restructuring  Intonation  How do you realize intonation when lexical tone is already making use of f0?  A bit Eurocentric, yet very relevant typologically 19

21 Intonation in East Asian tone languages H LL HH L HL X XX X X X X X H%H XX  Strategy 1: Boundary tones alternate with lexical tones  All tones in the same tier 20

22 Intonation in East Asian tone languages H LL HH L HL %q-raise X X XXX XXX  Strategy 2: Superposition of intonation over lexical tone  Upward/Downward shift  Expansion/Compression  These effects could be either global or local 21

23  Mandarin  Both boundary tones and superposition (Peng et al. 2005, Shih 1988)  Superposition only (Xu 1999, Yuan et al. 2002, Yuan 2004, 2006)  Cantonese  Boundary tones only (Wong et al. 2005)  Superposition only (Fox et al. 2008)  Thai  Evidence for boundary tones, but overriden by lexical tones (Pittayawat 2007) 22 We need data on more languages if we want to do serious typology

24  Final particles (common in East Asia)  Grammatical functions ▪ Yes-no questionTrang đ i làm không? ▪ ImperativeTrang đ i làm đ i!  Pragmatic functions ▪ ConfirmationTrang đ i làm đ ấ y. ▪ SuggestionTrang đ i làm nhá!  Paraphrasing and context  As in any other language 23

25  Global f0 variation  Globally lower/higher f0 (Đỗ et al. 1998; Nguyễn and Boulakia 1999)  Local f0 variation  Pitch range expansion in stressed syllables (Đỗ et al. 1998)  Higher pitch on focussed constituents (Jannedy 2007, 2008)  Higher pitch on sentence-final question markers (Nguyễn and Boulakia 1999; Vũ et al. 2006) ▪ Analysed as boundary tones (Hạ and Grice 2010)  Intensity (Nguyễn and Boulakia 1999)  Imperatives louder than declaratives  Duration (Nguyễn and Boulakia 1999)  Questions shorter than declaratives  Non-instrumental observations on Northern (Thompson 1965) and Southern Vietnamese (Trần 1967) 24

26 Why one more study?  Previous studies looked at frame sentences  … not controlled for segments, tones or syntactic structures (Đỗ et al. 1998)  … controlled for tone and segments, but only partly for syntactic structure (Nguyễn and Boulakia 1999)  … controlled for tones, but not for segments and syntactic structure (Vũ et al. 2006)  Our study uses simpler sentences, but controls for tones, segments and syntactic structures. 25

27  Which intonational cues are predominant in Northern Vietnamese?  Pitch ▪ Global or local?  Intensity  Duration  Is intonation realized through the addition of tones or through superposition (or both)?  How much inter-speaker variation do we find? 26

28  6 sentences, all 4-words long  First 3 words: Always SVO with constant tone  Không [xo ͡ ŋm ] is always the last word (« only » or yes- no question marker)  The sentences can have 4 different meanings, depending on the intonation  Ex: Ty ă n c ơ m không ▪ Declarative : Ty only eats rice. ▪ Annoyed declarative: Ty only eats rice. (I just told you!) ▪ Yes-no question: Does Ty eat rice? ▪ Command question: Ty, will you eat your rice?! Declar. Questions Unmarked Emphasis 27

29  8 native speakers recorded in Hanoi  3 men, 5 women  Speakers were requested to produce the sentences appropriately according to given contexts  Not a trivial task!  Each sentence was recorded three times  6 tones X 4 communicative functions X 3 repetitions: 72 sentences 28

30  Sentences labelled and measured in Praat  Each sentence divided into 4 syllables  Each syllable measured at 5 equidistant points  Data inspected for doubling, halving and irregular vocal fold vibrations 29

31  Statistical analysis: GLMs in PASW (SPSS 18)  Conducted independently for each subject  Dependant variables at each sampling point ▪ Duration ▪ f0 ▪ Intensity  Independent variables ▪ Tone ▪ Communicative function ▪ Interaction 30

32  No clear difference between comm. functions  f0 range expands from 1 st to 3 rd syll.  Likely due to coarticulation rather than intonation 31

33 No special emphasis Emphasis No clear contrast between questions and declaratives Questions are high Declaratives are low Questions have a final rise Declaratives have a final fall Emphatic functions higher than their non- emphatic counterparts 32

34  Global effect: Higher overall f0…  …for questions than for declaratives: 5/8 speakers ▪ Frequency code (Ohala 1983)  …for emphatic than for unmarked: 6/8 speakers ▪ Effort code (Gussenhoven 2004)  Local effect on last syllable  Clear rise at the end of the question marker « không »: 3/8 speakers ▪ Higher pitch at the end of « không » in questions: 1 more speaker (Total 4/8)  Clear fall at the end of the declarative: 4/8 speakers 33

35  Higher intensity in emphatic functions  Effort code again  Consistent for 4/8 speakers  Incr. contrast towards end of sentence  No systematic divide between questions and declaratives 34 Annoyed declarative higher than normal declarative Command question higher than normal question

36  There are stat. sign. durational differences in all speakers…  …but they are not consistent across speakers  Significant differences are not always on the same syllables  The differences do not always go in the same direction 35

37  Strategies for marking communicative functions are variable across Hanoi speakers  Robust ▪ Higher overall pitch marks either questions or emphasis  Common ▪ Final rise for questions/Final fall for declaratives ▪ Higher intensity (esp. sentence final) marks emphasis  Inconsistent ▪ Duration seems speaker-specific 36

38  Which intonational cues are predominant in VN?  Pitch  Optional intensity contrasts  Is intonation realized through the addition of tones or through superposition (or both)?  Superposition is systematic  Focal tones are common, but optional  How much inter-speaker variation do we find?  A lot. Why? 37

39  Various intonational strategies available for communicative functions  Nonetheless, intonation plays a more subtle role than in non-tonal languages  Almost null for 2/8 speakers despite the exaggerated nature of the experimental task  Intonation is not grammaticalized. Rather, universal tendencies emerge  Frequency and effort codes 38

40 Where it all links up  Intonation in Southern Vietnamese  f0 seems more important in tonal contrasts: could that affect intonation? ▪ Less leeway for f0 variation???  Fewer and less frequent final particles ▪ Intonation could be expected to be more important for marking communicative functions 39


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