Presentation on theme: "Grammaticalization of complex predicates Masayoshi Shibatani Department of Linguistics Rice University."— Presentation transcript:
Grammaticalization of complex predicates Masayoshi Shibatani Department of Linguistics Rice University
Japanese arui-te iku/kuru walk-CON go /come ‘come/go walking’ “Converbal complex predicates” Mandarin Chinese tā zŏu qù he walk go ‘He went walking.’ Atayal (Formosan) m-usa ʔ m-kaŋi tasah Tali ʔ AF-go AF-walk there Tali ‘Tali goes over there walking.’ “Serial verbs” Introduction Introduction Phenomenon: Grammaticalization of motion verbs COME/GO in complex predicates—converbal complex predicates and serial verbs Korean tally-e ota/kata run-CON 1 come/go ‘come/go running’
Formal difference between converbal complex predicates and serial verb constructions Japanese Boku-wa gakkoo-ni arui-te iku/kuru I-TOP school-to walk-CON go/come ‘I walk to school/(lit.) I come/go to school walking’ Mandarin Chinese wŏ zŏu qù xúeixiào I walk go school ‘I walk to school/(lit.) I go to school walking.’ Foley & Olsen (1985) on serial verb constructions: “constructions in which verbs sharing a common actor or object are merely juxtaposed, with no intervening conjunction” (18)
Serial verb constructions in Formosan languages Mayrinax Atayal wah-an ‘i’ m-itaal ni’ yumin ‘i’ yaya=nia’ come-LF LINK AF-see GEN Yumin NOM mother=3SG.BG ‘Yumin came to see his mother.’ Paiwan maŋtjəz-akən a pacun tjai kina come-1S.NOM LINK see OBL mother ‘I came to see Mother.’ Changpin Amis ma-hrək kaku (a) k-um-aən tu futiŋ AF-finish 1S.NOM LINK eat-AF ACC fish ‘I have eaten the fish.’ Wulai Atayal m-usa ʔ m-aniq mami ʔ Sayun AF-go AF-eat meal Sayun ‘Sayun goes to eat a meal.’
Grammatialization of iku/kuru ‘go/come’ in the spatial domain Kanozyo-wa gakkoo-ni arui-te it-ta. she-TOP school-to walk-CON go-PAST ‘She walked (walk went) to school.’ Kanozyo-wa heya-kara sotto de-te ki-ta. she-TOP room-from quietly exit-CON come-PAST ‘She came out (exit came) of the room quietly.’ Kare-wa kissaten-de koohii-o non-de ki-ta. he-TOP café-at cofee-ACC drink-CON come-PAST ‘He drank coffee at the café (and came).’ Cline of grammaticalization Less More (Manner + Motion) (Location change + Motion) (Action + Motion)
Questions How does grammaticalization take place in specific constructions—e.g. complex predicates? Which environment facilitates grammaticalization? Is there instantaneous or abrupt grammaticalization? Does metaphor drive grammaticalization? Does high text frequency facilitates grammaticalization?
Summary of the decategorialization pattern of iku/kuru ‘come/go’ in Japanese mieru rassyaru Valency Fragments Neg. scope lexical kuru ‘come’ 〇 X X 〇 〇 N/A ‘walk come’ arui-te kuru 〇 △ △ 〇 △ both ‘exit come’ de-te kuru 〇 〇 〇 X X wide ‘drink come’ non-de kuru X ◎ ◎ X X narrow ( ◎ = super, 〇 = O.K., △＝ grudgingly, X = no) more V-like less V-like -ku
Lexical kuru ‘come’ Yamada-sensei-ga koogi-ni ki-ta. Yamada-professor-NOM lecture-to come-PAST ‘Prof. Yamada came to lecture.’ mie-ta ◊ mieru (lit. ‘visible’) honorific suppletion mieru ‘visible’ (honorific ‘come’)
Valency property: the goal relation Taroo-wa Mie-no heya-kara zibun-no heya-ni it-ta （ Lexical iku ） Taro-TOP Mie-of room-from self-of room-to go-PAST ‘Taro went to his room from his own room.’ Taro-wa gakkoo-ni arui-te it-ta. ‘Taro went to school walking.’ Iku/kuru ‘go/come’ of the arui-te iku (walk go) type are like lexical iku/kuru in sanctioning a goal argument. ☛ x *Taroo-wa gakkoo-ni arui-ta. Taro-TOP school-to walk-PAST ‘Taro walked to school.’ Japanese manner of motion V’s do not sanction a goal argument
× Taroo-wa zibun-no heya-o de-te, Mie-no heya-ni it-ta. Taro-TOP self-of room-ACC exit-CON Mie-of of room-to go-PAST ‘Taro exited his room and went to Mie’s room.’ (Clausal conjunction) de-te iku (exit go) type *Taroo-wa Mie-no heya-ni zibun-no heya-o de-te it-ta. Taro-TOP Mie-of room-to self-of room-ACC exit-CON go-PAST ‘lit. Taro went out of his room to Mie’s room.’ (Converbal complex) ❒
ringo-o tabe-te ik-u apple-ACC eat-CON go-PRES Clausal conjunction ringo-o tabe-te ik-u ‘eat an apple (and go on)’ Complex predicate gakkoo-e ringo-o tabe-te i-ku school-to apple-ACC eat-CON go-PRES ‘go to school (after) eating an apple’ * gakkoo-e ringo-o tabe-te i-ku × ❒ tabe-te iku (eat go) -type ‘go (after) eating an apple’ Cf. Let’s go to McDonald’s to eat. Loss of the motion component of the GO verb > deictic marking Loss of the valency property *Let’s go eat to McDonald’s.
Again the cline of grammaticalization Kanozyo-wa gakkoo-ni arui-te it-ta. she-TOP school-to walk-CON go-PAST ‘She walked (walk went) to school.’ Kanozyo-wa heya-kara sotto de-te ki-ta. she-TOP room-from quietly exit-CON come-PAST ‘She came out (exit came) of the room quietly.’ Kare-wa kissaten-de koohii-o non-de ki-ta. he-TOP café-at cofee-ACC drink-CON come-PAST ‘He drank coffee at the café (and came).’ Grammaticalization Less More (Manner + Motion) (Location change + Motion) (Action + Motion)
Metaphor? “grammaticalization can be interpreted as the result of a process that has problem solving as its main goal, whereby one object is expressed in terms of another.” (Heine, Claudi and H ü nnemeyer 1991: 29) Bernd Heine, Ulrike Claudi and Friederike Hünnemeyer. 1991. Grammaticalization: A Conceptual Framework. Chicago: University of Chicago press. Question: What drives grammaticalization in the manner of the attested cline of grammaticalization?
Frequency? Traugott, E.C. and B. Heine (1991:9) Given that a form A is a candidate for grammaticalization both because of its semantic context and its salience, a further condition has to apply for grammaticalization to take place: The form has to be used frequently. The more grammaticalized a form, the more frequent it is...The seeds of grammaticalization are therefore in a correlated set of phenomena: Semantic suitability, salience and frequency. Only the third actually leads to grammaticalization and hence to fixing, freezing, idiomatization, etc. Tarugott, E. C. and B. Heine 1991 (eds.). Approaches to Grammaticalization, vol. 1. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
arui-te iku 20,500,000tabe-te iku 458,000 walk-CON go eat-CON go Both iku and kuru are high frequency verbs Frequency of the whole constructions? --both are equally involved in our constructions hasit-te iku 713,000 non-de iku 71,400 run-CON go drink-CON go (Google 2/28/06) Less grammaticalized More grammaticalized
Bybee, Perkins and Pagliuca (1994: 20) “There is a link between frequency of use and phonetic bulk such that more frequently used material, whether grammatical or lexical, tends to be shorter (phonetically reduced) relative to less often used material. ” Frequency and phonetic bulk (Zipf 1932, 1935) Joan Bybee, Revere Perkins and William Pagliuca. 1994. The Evolution of Grammar: Tense, Aspect, and Modality in the Languages of the World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
arui-te iku=to 328,000 arui-te-ku=to 956 walk-go=when 0.003% de-te iku=to 58,200 de-te-ku=to 63 exit-go=when 0.01% tabe-te iku=to 17,400 tabe-te-ku=to 751 eat-go=when 0.04% (based on Google search) Rate of –ku contraction Main verb GO iku does not contract to -ku (0%)
arui-te iku walk-CON go de-te iku exit-CON go tabe-te iku eat-CON go Less grammaticalized More grammaticalized (Manner + Motion) spatio-temporal overlap (Location change + Motion) spatio-temporal overlap (Action + Motion) sequential/no spatio-temporal overlap Semantically less congruous environment facilitates grammaticalization Semantic account
Gradual grammaticalization pattern mieru rassyaru Valency Fragments Neg. scope lexical kuru ‘come’ 〇 X X 〇 〇 N/A ‘walk come’ arui-te kuru 〇 △ △ 〇 △ both ‘exit come’ de-te kuru 〇 〇 〇 X X wide ‘drink come’ non-de kuru X ◎ ◎ X X narrow ( ◎ = super, 〇 = O.K., △＝ grudgingly, X = no) more V-like less V-like -ku
arui-te iku=to 328,000 arui-te-ku=to 956 walk-go=when 0.003% de-te iku=to 58,200 de-te-ku=to 637 exit-go=when 0.01% tabe-te iku=to17,400 tabe-te-ku=to 751 eat-go=when 0.04% (based on Google search) Rate of –ku contraction Main verb GO iku does not contract to -ku (0%)
Taroo-wa gakkoo-ni arui-te it-ta. Taro-TOP school-to walk-CON go-PAST ‘Taro went to school walking.’ Taroo-wa (*kaisya-ni) sinbun-o yon-de it-ta. Taro-TOP company-to newspaper-ACC read-CON go-PAST ‘Taro read the newspaper and went to the company.’ How about the loss of valency property? X Korean Taroo-nun hoysa-ey sinmwun-ul ilk-ko ka-ssta Taro-TOP company-to newspaper-ACC read-CON go-PAST ‘read a newspaper and ran off to the company’ (?)
Instantaneous grammaticalization (Givón 1991:122 * ) “involves the mental act of the mind recognizing a similarity relation and thereby exploiting it, putting an erstwhile lexical item into grammatical use in a novel context. The minute a lexical item is used in a frame that intends it as grammatical marker, it is thereby grammaticalized. *Givón, T. “Serial verbs and the mental reality of ‘event’: Grammatical vs. cognitive packaging”. In:E. Traugott and B. Heine (eds.) Approaches to Grammaticalization, Vol. 1:81-127. John Benjamins.
^ x PastFuture x Temporal domain: Aspectual use of GO and COME in Japanese kuraku nat-te ki-ta dark.ADV become-CON COME-PAST ‘It has started to get dark.’ syoozikini iki-te ik-u honestly live-CON GO-PRES ‘go on living honestly x x kuraku nat-ta dark.ADV become-PAST ‘It got dark.’ syoozikini iki-ru honestly live-PRES ‘live honestly’
Future: Irealis form of GO a. m-usa ʔ m-aniq mami ʔ Sayun (Lexical GO) AF-go AF-eat meal Sayun ‘Sayun goes to eat.’ b. m-usa ʔ qwalax (Future GO) AF-GO rain ‘It will rain.’ Perfect: Realis form of GO Temporal use of GO in Wulai Atayal a. gwan mŋka ʔ Sayun (Lexical GO) go.REAL Taipei Sayun ‘Sayun is gone to Taipei.’ b. gwan bka ʔ pyatu ʔ qasa la (Perfect GO) GO.REAL break rice bowl that F.PART ‘That rice bowl has broken.’
FUTAGE 1 FUTAGE 2 FUTAGE 3 FUTAGE 4 obligation probability > intention > future > desire imperative [intention] use comes fairly directly form the literal meaning of ‘the subject is on a path moving towards a goal’. The only necessary change is for the movement and path to be taken figuratively for the intention sense to arise. (Bybee, et al. ) Bybee, Pagliuca and Perkins (1991:29) “Back to the future” On the rise of the future meaning COME-TO GO-TO (cf. Heine, Claudi & Hünnemeyer 1991:174)
While some have argued that a metaphorical transfer is involved in deriving future meaning from a movement construction (Sweetser 1988; Emanation 1991), we do not see the need for invoking a metaphorical mechanism in this case. The temporal meaning that comes to dominate the semantics of the construction is already present as an inference from the spatial meaning. When one moves along a path toward a goal in space, one also moves in time. The major change that takes place is the loss of the spatial meaning. Here again the function of expressing intention comes into play. When the speaker announces that s/he is going somewhere to do something, s/he is also announcing the intention to do that thing. Thus intention is part of the meaning from the beginning, and the only change necessary is the generalization to contexts in which an intention is expressed, but the subject is not moving spatially to fulfill that intention. Bybee, J., R. Perkins, and W. Pagliuca The Evolution of Grammar: Tense, Aspect and Modality in the languages of the world. 1994:269. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Heine, Claudi and Hünnemeyer (1991:70) a.Henry is going to town. (Literal spatial meaning) b.Are you going to the library? c. No, I am going to eat. (Intention > Prediction> Spatial) d. I am going to do my best to make you happy. (Intention > Prediction > *Spatial) e. The rain is going to come. (*Intention > Prediction/Future)
Future use of usa ʔ ‘go’ in Wulai Atayal b. m-usa ʔ m-aniq mami ʔ Sayun (serialization use) AF-go AF-eat meal Sayun ‘ Sayun goes to eat.’ a.m-usa ʔ mŋka ʔ kira ʔ Sayun (main verb use) AF-go Taipei today Sayun ‘Sayun goes to Taipei today.’ c. p-qwalax IRR-rain ‘It will rain’ d. m-usa ʔ qwalax AF-GO rain ‘It will rain.’
a. m-usa ʔ m-nuw AF-GO AF-earthquake ‘An earthquake will occur shortly’ b. m-usa ʔ takuy ŋasan qani la AF-GO fall down house this F.PART ‘This house will fall down shortly.’ c. m-usa ʔ mu-qwas qutux knerin AF-go AF-sing one woman ‘A woman goes (to some place) to sing.’ ‘*A woman will sing.’ d. p-qwas qwas knerin IRR-sing song woman ‘A woman will sing.’
Aspectual use of gwan ‘go.REALIS’ b. gwan m-tuw sakaw Sayun (serialization use) go.REAL AF-exit room Sayun ‘Sayun has gone out of the room.’ a.gwan m ŋ ka ʔ Sayun (main verb use) go.REAL Taipei Sayun ‘Sayun is gone to Taipei.’ c. gwan tgayaw qhuniq qasa la GO.REAL fall down tree that F.PART ‘That tree has fallen down.’ d. gwan bka ʔ pyatu ʔ qasa la GO.REAL break rice bowl that F.PART ‘That rice bowl has broken.’
a. gwan mŋka ʔ Sayun go.REAL Taipei Sayun ‘Sayun is gone to Taipei.’ b. *? gwan=ku ʔ mŋka ʔ go.REAL=1SG.NOM Taipei ‘ *? I am gone to Taipei.’ c. gwan=ku ʔ m-ka ʔ pyatu ʔ qasa la GO.REAL=1SG.NOM AF-break rice bowl that F.PART ‘I have broken that rice bowl.’ d. gwan m-ka ʔ pyatu ʔ qasa Sayun go.REAL AF-break rice bowl that Sayun ‘Sayun went/is gone to break that rice bowl.’ A third-person actor vs. a first-person actor
Repercussion of grammaticalization in syntax c. m-usa ʔ =ku m-aziy kaya ʔ ( *? te) mŋka ʔ (serial verbs) AF-go=1SG.NOM AF-buy stuff to Taipei ‘I go buy stuff (*to/in) Taipei.’ Loss of a valency property a.m-usa ʔ =ku ʔ te mŋka ʔ AF-go=1SG.NOM to Taipei ‘I go to Taipei.’ b. m-usa ʔ =ku ʔ te mŋka ʔ (ru ʔ ) m-aziy=ku ʔ kaya ʔ AF-go=1SG.NOM to Taipei and AF-buy=1SG.NOM thing ‘I go to Taipei and buy stuff.’
NAF form of the non-initial verb Normal verb serialization (Wulai Atayal) : AF + AF NAF + AF AF + *NAF NAF +*NAF a. m-qwas=ku ʔ qwas Sayun (AF) AF-sing=1SG.NOM song Sayun ‘I sing Sayun’s song.’ c. t-arin=ku ʔ m-qwas qwas Sayun (AF+AF) AF-start=1SG.NOM AF-sing song Sayun ‘I start singing Sayun’s song.’ d. *t-arin=ku ʔ qwas-an qwas Sayun (AF+*PF) AF-start=1SG.NOM sing-PF song Sayun e. tri ŋ -un=mu ʔ m-qwas qwas Sayun (PF+AF) sing-PF=1SG.GEN AF-sing song Sayun b. qwas-an=mu ʔ qwas Sayun (PF) sing-PF=1SG.GEN song Sayun ‘I sing Sayun’s song.’
a.wan=ku ʔ m-aniq mami ʔ (AF+AF) GO.REAL=1SG.NOM AF-eat meal ‘I’ve eaten a meal.’ b. gwan=ku ʔ niq-un kwala mami ʔ =su ʔ (AF+PF) GO-REAL=1SG.NOM eat-PF all meal=2SG.GEN ‘I’ve eaten all your meal.’ c. nyux=ku ʔ m-kas m-ita yaya ʔ =su ʔ (AF+AF+AF) EXIST=1SG.NOM AF-look.forward.to AF-see mother=2SG.GEN ‘I am looking forward to seeing your mother.’ d. nyux=ku ʔ pkas-un m-ita yaya ʔ Sayun (AF+PF+AF) EXIST=1SG.NOM look.foward.to-PF AF-see mother Sayun ‘I am looing forward to seeing Sayun ’s mother.’ e.*nyux=ku ʔ pkas-un qit-an yaya ʔ Sayun (AF+PF+*PF) EXIST=1SG.NOM look.foward.to-PF see-PF mother Sayun
Japanese aspectual iku/kuru ‘go/come’ a. kare-mo dondon biiru-o non-de ik-u he-also steadily beer-ACC drink-CON go-PRES ‘He also keeps on drinking beer.’ b. Ningen-wa nani-o tabe-te ki-ta=ka. human-TOP what-ACC eat-CON come-PAST=Q ‘What have humans been eating?’ c. Korekara-mo dondon sake-o non-de ik-u from.now-also steadily sake-ACC drink-CON go-PRES ‘From now on too (I will) keep on drinking sake steadily.’ d. *korekara-mo dondon eki-e arui-te iku from.now-also steadily station-to walk-CON go-PRES ‘(Intended for) From now on too (I will) keep on walking to the station.’
a. Ano kooen-o sanzyuu-nen-rai zutto arui-te ki-ta. that park-ACC thirty-year-over steadily walk-CON come-PAST ‘(I) have walked that park steadily over thirty years.’ b. *Sanzyuu-nen-rai zutto uti-kare gakkoo-ni arui-te ki-ta. thirty-year-over steadily house-from school-to walk-CON come-PAST ‘(I) have walked from the house to the school over thirty years.’ Action + Motion (less congruous) Manner + Motion (congruous)
(a) cip-eyse hakkyo-kkaci kel-e-o-ass-ta. (Manner + Motion) house-from school-to walk-CON-come-PAST-IND ‘ I walked (walk-come) to school from the house.’ (b) *30nyenkan ccwuk cip-eyse hakkyo-kkaci kel-e-o-ass-ta. 30.year.during steadily house-from school-to walk-CON-come-PAST-IND ‘I have walked (walk-come) to school from house for the (past) 30 years.’ (a) i kongwuen-ul kenil-e-o-ass-ta. (Action + Motion) this park-ACC take.a.walk-CON-come-PAST-IND ‘(I) walked the park (and came back).’ (b) 30nyenkan ccwuk i kongwuen-ul kenil-e-o-ass-ta. 30.years.during steadily this park-ACC take.a.walk-CON-come-PAST-IND ‘(I) have walked this park steadily over the (past) 30 years.’ Korean aspectual ota ‘come’
Semantically less congruous environment facilitates grammaticalization Applies to both gradual and instantaneous (metaphorical extension) cases of grammaticalization
Acknowledgements Thanks are due to the Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica and the National Science Council of the Republic of China for financial support for my stay in Taiwan and for my fieldwork in Wulai. My sincere thanks also go to Lillian Huang and Elizabeth Zeitoun for making my visit to Taiwan in December 2005 possible. 謝謝！ (email@example.com)