Presentation on theme: "‘Navigating between region, nation, and Europe: The French (European) New Right’s alternatives to modernity’ Dr. Tamir Bar-On, Department of International."— Presentation transcript:
‘Navigating between region, nation, and Europe: The French (European) New Right’s alternatives to modernity’ Dr. Tamir Bar-On, Department of International Relations and Humanities, TEC DE MONTERREY, Campus Querétaro, Mexico.
Presentation agenda: 1) What is the nouvelle droite (ND- New Right), whom are its key intellectuals, and what do they want? 2) Four conceptual tools for understanding the ND from my Rethinking the French New Right: Alternatives to modernity (Routledge, 2013). 3) The ND and the new faces of ultra-nationalism: Between region, nation, and Europe. 4) What does the ND mean for fascism, anti-fascism, and post-fascism studies? (Why it matters?)
1. What is the nouvelle droite?
A metapolitical right-wing revolution: “Without a precise theory, there is no effective action....All the revolutions have only transposed into facts an evolution that had already occurred in the spirit. One can’t have a Lenin before having had Marx....The French right is Leninist without having read Lenin. It hasn’t realized the importance of Gramsci. It hasn’t seen that cultural power threatens the apparatus of the state.” (De Benoist 1979: 19)
The ND’s modernist ‘mazeway resynthesis’ (Griffin in Bar-On 2007: xiii)
ND credibility problems: Fascism with ‘another name, another face’? “Accusations of fascism will continue to haunt ND intellectuals until they completely break with authors of the revolutionary right-wing milieux as they provided ideological ammunition for fascist and Nazi regimes in power.” (Bar-On 2013: 1)
What does the ND want? (Bar-On 2013: 6) 1. De-legitimization of the egalitarian Judaeo- Christian tradition, as well as abolishing its modern, secular derivatives: liberal parliamentary democracy, socialism, communism, social democracy, multiculturalism, and feminism.
2. Superseding a ‘de-humanizing’, global capitalist market system in which ‘everything has a price and nothing has any value’.
3. Restoration of a sovereign, re- spiritualized, pagan, federal, and imperial (yet not imperialist) Europe, which challenges the USA as the world’s sole remaining superpower.
4. The end of Europe’s ‘elitist’ and ‘homogenizing’ liberal-left policies based on multiculturalism, unfettered immigration, and unrestrained capitalist globalization.
5. ‘A Europe of a hundred flags’ ‘liberated’ from the ‘excesses’ of modernity: the assimilationist nation-state, the European Union, global capitalism, liberalism, social democracy, socialism, the USA, and the ‘Westernization of the world’. A ‘Europe for Europeans’. (Bar-On 2013: )
Four conceptual tools for understanding the ND (Bar-On 2013): 1) A fascist or quasi-fascist ideology and movement. 2) A challenge to the traditional right-left political dichotomy. 3) An alternative modernist movement (Griffin 2007; Habermas 1990). 4) A variant of ‘political religion’ (Gentile 2006) and conversionary processes (Girard 2003).
3. Navigating between region, nation, and Europe: The ND claims to be ‘anti-nationalist’ today. It is for a ‘Europe of a hundred flags’. It is for a united and federal Europe, which is authoritarian, anti-liberal, anti-capitalist, anti- socialist, and anti-communist.
The new ultra-nationalism: Ultra-regionalism ‘The ND’s ‘ultra-nationalism’ is today framed as ‘ultra-regionalism’ through the notion of a ‘Europe of a hundred flags’. Yet, this ‘ultra- regionalism’ conceives of the rebirth of hundreds of homogeneous ethnically ‘pure’ states within a larger post-liberal, pan-European framework.’ (Spektorowski 2007) (Bar-On 2013: 82-83)
Region, nation, and Europe for the 21st century: ‘The 21st century will be characterized by the development of a multipolar world of emerging civilizations: European, North American, South American, Arabic-Muslim, Chinese, Indian, Japanese, etc. These civilizations will not supplant the ancient local, tribal, provincial or national roots, but will be constituted as the ultimate collective form with which individuals are able to identify in addition to their common humanity.’ (De Benoist and Champetier 2000: Section 2, Clause 8)
4. Concluding thoughts: Why the ND matters for fascist, anti- fascist, and post-fascist studies? 1. There are different rights. 2. ‘Multiculturalism of the right’ (Spektorowski 2012). 3. Impact on radical right-wing populist parties.
Thank you!!! Dr. Tamir Bar-On, Department of International Relations and Humanities, TEC DE MONTERREY (Monterrey Institute of Technology and Higher Education), Campus Querétaro, Mexico. or Rethinking the French New Right: Alternatives to modernity (Routledge, 2013):