Presentation is loading. Please wait.

Presentation is loading. Please wait.

Generative Historical Syntax and the Linguistic Cycle Elly van Gelderen 29 March 2013 Harvard Linguistic Circle.

Similar presentations


Presentation on theme: "Generative Historical Syntax and the Linguistic Cycle Elly van Gelderen 29 March 2013 Harvard Linguistic Circle."— Presentation transcript:

1 Generative Historical Syntax and the Linguistic Cycle Elly van Gelderen 29 March 2013 Harvard Linguistic Circle

2 Outline A.What is Generative Historical Linguistics? B.The healthy tension between generative grammar and historical linguistics, in both directions and how the current Minimalist Program is conducive to looking at gradual, unidirectional change. C.Examples of Linguistic Cycles and how they can be explained and some challenges.

3 Model of language acquisition (based on Andersen 1973) Generation nGeneration n+1UG+ experienceexperience n = = I-language n I-language n+1 E-language nE-language n+1 + innovations

4 Internal Grammar

5 Reanalysis is crucial:

6 As for the tension: Introspection vs text Generative syntax has typically relied on introspective data. For historical periods, such a method of data gathering is obviously impossible. Generative grammar places much emphasis on the distinction between competence and performance, i.e. on I(nternal)- and E(xternal)-language.

7 Use (of texts and) corpora Finding a pattern in a (spoken) corpus shows that there is something systematic going on: repeatedly finding shouldof and shoulda indicates that something interesting is happening with modals and perfect auxiliaries: (1)I should of knew this was too good to be true. (2)There xuld not a be do so mykele. `There shouldn’t have been done so much.’ (Margaret Paston a1469)

8 That-trace (1) Ac hwaet saegst ðu ðonne ðaet hwaet sie forcuðre ðonne sio ungesceadwisnes? But what sayyou then that --be wickeder thanbe foolishness `But what do you say is wickeder than foolishness?' (Boethius 36.8, from Allen 1977: 122)

9 Parsed Corpora Since the 1990s, a group of generative linguists has worked on the creation of parsed corpora (see Result: much better descriptions of changes in the word order (e.g. work by Pintzuk, Haeberli, Taylor, van Kemenade and others), changes in do-support (e.g. Kroch and Ecay), Adverb Placement (Haeberli, van Kemenade, and Los), and pro drop (Walkden). Corpus work has reinvigorated Historical Linguistics.

10 Other historical (parsed) corpora have appeared or are appearing and spurring much work among generative and non- generative linguists: the Tycho Brahe parsed corpus of historical Portuguese, o corpus do Português, the Corpus del Español, the Regensburg Russian Diachronic Corpus, a Hungarian corpus is under construction, and COHA with a very helpful interface!

11 Some other issues of discussion Change is unidirectional or not and gradual or not Current theory-internal questions The role of UG: Language-specific or third factor The role of features

12 The role of grammaticalization and unidirectionality. Is grammaticalization epiphenomenal or real? Newmeyer (1998: 237); Roberts & Roussou (2003: 2) and others: “grammaticalization is a regular case of parameter change … [and] epiphenomenal” all components also occur independently. Others, e.g. van Gelderen (2004; 2011), argue that the unidirectional patterns that are shown by grammaticalization can be `explained’: the child reanalyzes the input in a certain way. This is where cycles come in!

13 Is change gradual or abrupt? Most functionalist explanations assume it is gradual whereas many formal accounts think it is abrupt. Early generative approaches emphasize a catastrophic reanalysis of both the underlying representation and the rules applying to them. Lightfoot, for instance, argues that the category change of modals is an abrupt one from V to AUX, as is the change from impersonal to personal verbs (the verb lician changing in meaning from `please’ to `like’).

14 How to see the role of UG? In the 1960s, UG consists of substantive universals, concerning universal categories (V, N, etc) and phonological features, and formal universals relating to the nature of rules. The internalized system is very language-specific. “[S]emantic features..., are presumably drawn from a universal ‘alphabet’” (Chomsky 1965: 142), “little is known about this today”.

15 1990s-2013 Parameters now consist of choices of feature specifications as the child acquires a lexicon (Chomsky 2004; 2007). Baker, while disagreeing with this view of parameters, calls this the Borer-Chomsky- Conjecture (2008: 156): "All parameters of variation are attributable to differences in the features of particular items (e.g., the functional heads) in the lexicon."

16 Shift With the shift to parametric parameters, it becomes possible to think of gradual change through reanalysis as well (e.g. Roberts 2009 and van Gelderen 2009). Word order change in terms if features e.g. Breitbarth 2012, Biberauer & Roberts. The set of features that are available to the learner is determined by UG.

17 Features and word order Biberauer & Roberts (2008) in examining the shift from OV to VO crucially rely on a EPP-feature. If T bears an EPP feature, a D head will adjoin to T or a DP will move to the specifier of the TP in Modern English. Languages can also have a VP or vP satisfy the EPP feature rather than just the DP contained in the VP or vP.

18 Features and grammaticalization Another minimalist approach using features, not concerned with word order, can be found in van Gelderen (2004; 2010) who argues that grammaticalization can be understood as a change from semantic to formal features. For instance, a verb with semantic features, such as Old English will with [volition, expectation, future], can be reanalyzed as having only the grammatical feature [future].

19 A second shift Faculty of Language is determined by: “(1) genetic endowment, which sets limits on the attainable languages, thereby making language acquisition possible; (2) external data, converted to the experience that selects one or another language within a narrow range; (3) principles not specific to FL [the Faculty of Language]. Some of the third factor principles have the flavor of the constraints that enter into all facets of growth and evolution.... Among these are principles of efficient computation”. (Chomsky 2007: 3)

20 Third factors We need more on third factors: not well defined and invoked to account for a number of phenomena, e.g. pro-drop (Sigurðsson 2011), phrase structure (Medeiros 2012), and language change (van Gelderen 2011). Constraints on word learning, such as the shape over color bias (Landau et al 1992), would also be third factor. Like UG before it, third factor reasons would remain stable and not responsible in language change.

21 Cycles tell us which features matter Subject and Object Agreement demonstrative/emphatic > pronoun > agreement > zero Copula Cycle ademonstrative > copula > zero bverb > aspect > copula Case or Definiteness or DP demonstrative > definite article > ‘Case’ > zero Negative a negative argument > negative adverb > negative particle > zero b verb > aspect> negative > C Future and Aspect Auxiliary A/P > M > T > C

22 Heine, Claudi & Hünnemeyer’s 3 types 1. “isolated instances of grammaticalization”, as when a lexical item grammaticalizes and is then replaced by a new lexeme. For instance, the lexical verb go (or want) being used as a future marker. 2. “subparts of language, for example, when the tense-aspect-mood system of a given language develops from a periphrastic into an inflexional pattern and back to a new periphrastic one” or when negatives change.

23 and 3. “entire languages and language types” but there is “more justification to apply the notion of a linguistic cycle to individual linguistic developments”, e.g. the development of future markers, of negatives, and of tense, rather than to changes in typological character, as in from analytic to synthetic and back to analytic.

24 Caution about the third kind Heine et al’s reasons for caution about the third type of change, i.e. a cyclical change in language typology, is that we don’t know enough about older stages of languages. Most linguists are comfortable with cycles of the first and second kind but they are not with cycles of the third kind, e.g. Jespersen (1922; chapter 21.9).

25 Macroparameters and microparameters Baker (2001) and, more recently, Biberauer & Roberts (2012) have formulated macro and micro parameters. Macroparameters for Baker define the character of a particular language, e.g. polysynthetic or not, whereas microparameters for B&R may involve the features of a particular lexical item.

26 Macrocycles and microcycles In the same vein, it is possible to distinguish two kinds of cycles, a macrocycle and a microcycle. A microcyle involves just one aspect of the language, for instance, negatives or demonstratives being reinforced by adverbs, as in English those people there. They include Heine et al’s first and second kind. Macrocycles, more controversially, concern the entire linguistic system, i.e. Heine et al’s third kind.

27 von der Gabelentz 1901 Nun bewegt sich die Geschichte der Sprachen in der Diagonale zweier Kräfte: des Bequemlichkeitstriebes, der zur Abnutzung der Laute führt, und des Deutlichkeitstriebes, der jene Abnutzung nicht zur Zerstörung der Sprache ausarten lässt. Die Affixe verschleifen sich, verschwinden am Ende spurlos; ihre Funktionen aber oder ähnliche drängen wieder nach Ausdruck.

28 ctd Diesen Ausdruck erhalten sie, nach der Methode der isolierenden Sprachen, durch Wortstellung oder verdeutlichende Wörter. Letztere unterliegen wiederum mit der Zeit dem Agglutinationsprozesse, dem Verschliffe und Schwunde, und derweile bereitet sich für das Verderbende neuer Ersatz vor... ; immer gilt das Gleiche: die Entwicklungslinie krümmt sich zurück nach der Seite der Isolation, nicht in die alte Bahn, sondern in eine annähernd parallele. Darum vergleiche ich sie der Spirale. (von der Gabelentz 1901: 256)

29 The history of language moves in the diagonal of two forces: the impulse toward comfort, which leads to the wearing down of sounds, and that toward clarity, which disallows this erosion and the destruction of the language. The affixes grind themselves down, disappear without a trace; their functions or similar ones, however, require new expression. They acquire this expression, by the method of isolating languages, through word order or clarifying words. The latter, in the course of time, undergo agglutination, erosion, and in the mean time renewal is prepared: periphrastic expressions are preferred... always the same: the development curves back towards isolation, not in the old way, but in a parallel fashion. That's why I compare them to spirals.

30 Comfort + Clarity = Grammaticalization + Renewal Von der Gabelentz’ examples of comfort: the unclear pronunciation of everyday expressions, the use of a few words instead of a full sentence, i.e. ellipsis (p ), “syntaktische Nachlässigkeiten aller Art” (`syntactic carelessness of all kinds’, p. 184), and loss of gender.

31

32 Von der G’s examples of clarity special exertion of the speech organs (p. 183), “Wiederholung” (`repetition’, p. 239), periphrastic expressions (p. 239), replacing words like sehr `very’ by more powerful and specific words such as riesig `gigantic’ and schrecklich `frightful’ (243), using a rhetorical question instead of a regular proposition, and replacing case with prepositions (p. 183).

33 Grammaticalization = one step Hopper & Traugott 2003: content item > grammatical word > clitic > inflectional affix. The loss in phonological content is not a necessary consequence of the loss of semantic content (see Kiparsky 2011; Kiparsky & Condoravdi 2006; Hoeksema 2009). Kiparsky (2011: 19): “in the development of case, bleaching is not necessarily tied to morphological downgrading from postposition to clitic to suffix.” Instead, unidirectionality is the defining property of grammaticalization and any exceptions to the unidirectionality (e.g. the Spanish inflectional morpheme –nos changing to a pronoun) are instances of analogical changes, according to Kiparsky (2011).

34 In acknowledging weakening of pronunciation (“un affaiblissement de la pronunciation”), Meillet (1912: 139) writes that what provokes the start of the (negative) cycle is the need to speak forcefully (“le besoin de parler avec force”). Kiparsky & Condoravdi (2006) find no evidence for phonetic weakening in Jespersen’s Cycle in Greek and similarly suggest pragmatic and semantic reasons. A simple negative cannot be emphatic; in order for a negative to be emphatic, it needs to be reinforced, e.g. by a minimizer. When emphatic negatives are overused, their semantic impact weakens and they become the regular negative and a new emphatic will appear.

35 Main question How does the child respond to these fast changes? Feature-spread through the clausal skeleton is reanalyzed.

36 Microcycle (1)a.I’m gonna leave for the summer. b.*I’m gonna to Flagstaff for the summer. Nesselhauf (2012) identifies three features, intention, prediction, and arrangement, in the change of shall, will, ‘ll, be going to, be to, and the progressive) in the last 250 years: as the sense of intention is lost and replaced by the sense of prediction, new markers of intention will appear: want has intention in (4a) and it is starting to gain the sense of prediction, as in (4b). (2)a. The final injury I want to talk about is brain damage... (Nesselhauf 2012: 114). b.We have an overcast day today that looks like it wants to rain. (Nesselhauf 2012: 115).

37 Going to Nesselhauf’s data on BE going to show that its use as a future marker has increased, both in the intention and prediction sense, and that the proportion of pure prediction is increasing. Once the sense of prediction prevails, another verb may be taking over to compensate for the feature of intention.

38 Macrocycles Hodge (1971): Proto-Afroasiaticanalytic*Sm Old EgyptiansyntheticsM Late EgyptiananalyticSm CopticsyntheticsM Huang (to appear): Chinese, from moderately synthetic to analytic to moderately synthetic. August Wilhem von Schlegel 1818: for the use of analytic and synthetic.

39 Attachment Type Cycle Isolating InflectionalAgglutinative Morphemes per word?

40 Four (micro)cycles I will look at Negative Cycles negative argument > negative adverb > negative particle > zero negative verb > auxiliary > negative > zero Subject Agreement Cycle demonstrative/emphatic > pronoun > agreement > zero Copula Cycles demonstrative/verb/adposition > copula > zero Demonstrative > article/copula/tense marker

41 Two Negative Cycles IIndefinite phrase > negative = Jespersen’s Cycle Negation weakens and is renewed. For instance: (1)I can’t do that > (2)I can’t see nothing IIVerb > negative (3)is-iba-d-oKoorete she-NOMdisappear-PF-PST `She disappeared' (Binyam 2007: 7). (4) ‘is-idana‘ush-u-wa-nni-ko she-NOMbeerdrink-PRES-not_exist-3FS-FOC ‘She does (will) not drink beer.’ (Binyam 2007: 9).

42 Negative Cycle in Old English CE a.no/neearly Old English b.ne(na wiht/not)after 900, esp S c.(ne)notafter 1350 d.not>-not/-n’tafter 1400

43 Old English: (1) Men ne cunnon secgan to soðe... hwa Man not could tell to truth... who `No man can tell for certain... who'. (2) Næron 3e noht æmetti3e, ðeah ge wel ne dyden not-were you not unoccupied. though you well not did `You were not unoccupied, though you did not do well'.

44 Weakening and renewal (1)we cannot tell of (Wycliff Sermons from the 1380s) (2)But I shan't put you to the trouble of farther Excuses, if you please this Business shall rest here. (Vanbrugh, The Relapse1680s). (3)that the sonne dwellith therfore nevere the more ne lasse in oon signe than in another (Chaucer, Astrolabe 665 C1). (4)No, I never see him these days (BNC - A9H 350)

45 Negative source is a verb (1)womeiyoushuChinese Inotexistbook `I don't have a book.’ (2)YaoShunjimo... Old Chinese Yao Shun since died `Since Yao and Shun died,...' (Mengzi, Tengwengong B, from Lin 2002: 5) (3)yudewangrenmeikunan,... Early Mandarin wish PRTdiedperson not-be suffering `If you wish that the deceased one has no suffering,...' (Dunhuang Bianwen, from Lin 2002: 5-6)

46 One Negative Cycle, e.g. English, French, Arabic XP SpecX' na wihtXYP not> n’t…

47 And a second According to Lin, mei went through a perfective stage, so: (4) dayi yemeiyouchuan, jiuzoule chulai coat evennotPFwear,thenwalkPF out `He didn't even put on his coat and walked out.' (Rulin Waishi, from Lin 2002: 8) (5)NegP NegASPP mei ASPVP mei V... mei

48 The Subject Cycle A. demonstrative > third person pron > clitic > agreement B. oblique > emphatic > first/second pron > clitic > agreement noun > (1) Shidiné bizaad yíní-sh-ta' INavajo language 3-1-study ‘As for me, I am studying Navajo.’

49 Brazilian Portuguese (1)Vossa mercê> Vosmecê > (V)ocê>cê your favor/mercyyouyou-indefinite (see Mattoso Câmara 1979; Gonçalves 1987; Dutra 1991, cited in Vitral & Ramos 2006) (2)cê only in subject position and pre-V (3)ele(s) >el, es ela(s) >éa, éas (4)es inventa um bocado de coisa / eles inventam … `they invented (S) …’

50 Some stages Japanese and Urdu/Hindi: full pronoun (1) watashi-wa kuruma-ounten-surukara. I-TOPcar-ACCdrive-NONPST PRT ‘I will drive the car'. (Yoko Matsuzaki p.c.) (2)a.mẽy nee uskodekha 1S ERGhimDATsaw b.aadmii neekitaabkopeRha man ERGbookDATread (3)ham log `we people‘ (4) mẽy or merii behn doonõ dilii mẽy rehtee hẽ I and my sister both Delhi in living are

51 English: in transition (a) Modification, (b) coordination, (c) position, (d) doubling, (e) loss of V-movement, (f) Code switching Coordination (and Case) (1)Me and Kitty were to spend the day. (2)%while he and she went across the hall. Position (3)She’s very good, though I perhaps I shouldn’t say so. (4)You maybe you've done it but have forgotten. (5)Me, I was flying economy, but the plane, … was guzzling gas

52 Doubling and cliticization (1)Me, I've tucking had it with the small place. (BNC H0M 1608) (2)%Him, he.... (3)%Her, she shouldn’t do that (not attested in the BNC) (4)*As for a dog, it should be happy. CSE-FAC: uncliticizedcliticizedtotal I (=25%)2722 you (=12.1%)1338 he12819 (=12.9%)147

53 Loss of V-movement and Code switching (5)What I'm gonna do? `What am I going to do' (6)How she's doing? `How is she doing‘ (7)*He ging weg ` he went away’ Dutch-English CS (8)The neighbor ging weg

54 French (1)Se je meïsme ne li diOld French If I myself not him tell `If I don’t tell him myself.’ (Franzén 1939:20, Cligès 993) (2)Renars respond: “Jou, je n’irai” ‘R answers “Me, I won’t go”.’ (Coronnement Renart, A. Foulet (ed.) 1929: 598, from Roberts 1993: 112)

55 (1)a.*Je heureusement ai vu çaI I probably have seen that `I’ve probably seen that.’ b.Kurt, heureusement, a fait beaucoup d'autres choses. Kurt fortunately has done many other things `Fortunately, Kurt did many other things’ (google search of French websites) (2)Oùvas-tuStandard French wherego-2S (3)tuvasoùColloquial French 2Sgowhere ‘Where are you going?'

56 Subject Cycle Full phrase move to Spec TP > Head moves to T Reanalysis as to what the head is: pronoun or agreement. (Economy: agreement =uninterpretable and then this needs an interpretable feature as well)

57 Copula cycle, sources Verbs Demonstratives Prepositions etc Reanalysis of location, identity, and aspect features

58 Copulas in English The flavors e.g. English be, become, go, fall, turn, seem, appear, stay, and remain. semantic features beremainseem, appear stay [location][duration][visible] [duration] [equal]

59 Demonstrative and adverbial source of copulas (1) a. Mi da i tatá Saramaccan I amyour father ‘I am your father.’ (McWhorter 1997: 87) b.Hεn dà dí Gaamá he is the chief ‘He's the chief.’ (McWhorter 1997: 98) (2) Dí wómi dε a wósu the woman is at house `The woman is at home.’ (McWhorter 1997: 88)

60 Demonstrative to article cycle (1) demonstrative/adverb > definite article > Case/non-generic > class marker > 0 (2) gife to … þa munecas of þe mynstre give to … the monks of the abbey (Peterborough Chron. 656) (3)* the

61 Reduction of the article and renewal (3) Morret's brother came out of Scoteland for th'acceptacion of the peax (The Diary of Edward VI, 1550s) (4) Oh they used to be ever so funny houses you know and in them days … They used to have big windows, but they used to a all be them there little tiny ones like that. (BNC - FYD 72)

62 Around 1200: a reanalysis (1) & gaddresst swa þe clene corn `and so you gather the clear wheat.’ (Ormulum , Holt edition) (2) 3ho wass … Elysabæþ 3ehatenn `She was called Elisabeth.’ (Ormulum 115) (3) & swa þe33 leddenn heore lif Till þatt te33 wærenn alde `and so they led their lives until they were old.’ (Ormulum 125-6) (4) þin forrme win iss swiþe god, þin lattre win iss bettre. `Your earlier wine is very good, your later wine is better.’ (Ormulum 15409)

63 Demonstratives, pronouns, and pro-drop in Old English (1) þæt fram ham gefrægn Higelaces þegn, god mid Geatum, Grendles dæda; se wæs moncynnes mægenes strengest on þæm dæge þysses lifes, æþele ond eacen. `Hygelac’s thane heard about Grendel’s deeds while in Geatland; he (=Hygelac’s thane) was mankind’s strongest man on earth, noble and powerful.

64 Old English ctd Het him yðlidan godne gegyrwan, cwæð, he guðcyning ofer swanrade secean wolde, mærne þeoden, þa him wæs manna þearf. ðone siðfæt him snotere ceorlas lythwon logon, þeah he him leof wære. (He) ordered himself a good boat prepared and said that he wanted to seek the king over the sea since he (=the king) needed men. Wise men did not stop him (=Hygelac’s thane) though he was dear to them.’ (Beowulf )

65 Traugott (1992: 171) (2)Þa clypode an ðæra manna Zebeus gehaten and cwæð to ðam cyninge; `Then cried one of-the men Zebeus called and said to the king: Eala ðu cyning þas fulan wuhta þu scoldest awurpan of ðinum rice. Oh you king the foul creatures you should throw-out of your kingdom ðylæs ðe hi mid heora fylðe us ealle besmiton; in-case that they [= the foul creatures] with their filth us all affect Hi habbað mid him awyriedne engel. mancynnes feond. They [= the foul creatures] have with them corrupt angel, mankind’s enemy and se hæfð andweald on ðam mannum ðe heora scyppend forseoð. and he [the angel] has power over those men that their creator despise and to deofolgyldum bugað; and to idols bow.’ (DOE Segment 8 Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies, second series M. Godden 1979, p – 115)

66 What happens? Externally: a `strengthening’ of the third person features in the pronoun and a shift in the relationship with the demonstrative. This reinforcement through external pronouns, she and they, brought about a reanalysis of the features of the pronoun as deictic.

67 InternalExternal se -->the seo --> she that --> thathi --> they him/her --> himself/herself a.se/that>the [i-loc]/[i-phi][u-T]/[u-ps] (= -Ps) b.he/hiis replaced byhe heo/hais replaced by she (possibly via seo) hi/hieis replaced bythey [i-phi][i-phi]/[i-loc]

68 Demonstrative [i-phi]/ [i-loc] articleDemCcopula [u-phi][i-phi] [u/i-T][u-phi] [i-loc] Also: degree adverb and tense marker (Tibeto- Burman) Feature Economy: Utilize semantic features: use them as for functional categories, i.e. as formal features.

69 Types of minimalist features The semantic features of lexical items (which have to be cognitively based not UG) The interpretable ones relevant at the Conceptual- Intentional interface. Uninterpretable features act as `glue’ so to speak to help out merge. For instance, person and number features (=phi-features) are interpretable on nouns but not on verbs.

70 The importance of features Chomsky (1965: 87-88): lexicon contains information for the phonological, semantic, and syntactic component. Sincerity +N, -Count, +Abstract...) Chomsky (1995: 230ff; 236; 277ff): semantic (e.g. abstract object), phonological (e.g. the sounds), and formal features: intrinsic or optional.

71 Formal features are: interpretable and uninterpretable ( 1995: 277): airplanebuild Interpr.[nominal][verbal] [3 person][assign [non-human] accusative] Uninterpr [Case][phi]

72 Simplifying checking Hereadsbooks before checking[i-3S][u-phi][i-3P] after checking[i-3S][u-phi][i-3P] That’s why `me sees him’ is ok!

73 Major Issues Where do features ‘come from’? Cartography vs Bare Phrase Structure (1)TpastTfutMoodir Modnec Modpos ASPhabASPrep ASPfreq oncethenperhaps necessarily possibly usuallyagain often (from Cinque 1999: 107)

74 Semantic and formal overlap: Chomsky (1995: 230; 381) suggests: "formal features have semantic correlates and reflect semantic properties (accusative Case and transitivity, for example)." I interpret this: If a language has nouns with semantic phi-features, the learner will be able to hypothesize uninterpretable features on another F (and will be able to bundle them there).

75 Feature Economy (a)Utilize semantic features: use them as for functional categories, i.e. as formal features. (b)If a specific feature appears more than once, one of these is interpretable and the others are uninterpretable

76 Innatevsacquired shapesgrammatical number negativesnegation `if’ real-unrealirrealis +/-individuatedmass-count duration progressive

77 Loss of semantic features Full verbs such as Old English will with [volition, expectation, future] features are reanalyzed as having only the feature [future] in Middle English. And the negative OE no/ne> ME (ne) not> -n’t > ModE –n’t... nothing, never, etc

78 The various cycles in terms of features The cycle of agreement noun > emphatic > pronoun > agreement >0 [sem][i-phi] [i-phi]/[u-phi][u-phi] The cycles of negation aAdjunct/Argument Specifier Head (of NegP)affix semantic>[i-NEG]>[u-NEG]>-- b.Lexical Head >(higher) Head >(higher) Head > 0 [neg][i-NEG]/[F][F]

79 Verb and demonstrative to copula Assume copulas have: beremainseem [i-loc][i-loc][i-loc] [i-ASP][i-M] Source for [loc]? Verbs and demonstratives D> copula> zero [i-loc] > [i-loc]> -- [i-phi]> [u-phi] [u-T]

80 Demonstrative > article a.DP>b.DP thatD'D' [i-ps]DNPDNP [i-loc][u-#]N…theN [i-phi][u-phi] [i-phi] Hence (1)*I saw the (2)I saw that/those.

81 Demonstrative [i-phi] [i-loc] articlepronounCcopula [u-phi][i-phi] [u/i-T][i-loc] [u-T]

82 A possible Feature Macro-Parameter Phi-features `Case' (for head-marking)(for dependent-marking) yesnoyesno JapaneseJapaneseNavajo u-Fi-FEnglish EnglishNavajo Phi-Tno EnglishBantu(EvG to appear)

83 Explanations of the Cycle Recent shift towards third factors and parametric features: we need to be careful how many mechanisms we allow. Therefore, Feature Economy makes sense All change is in the lexicon: sem>i-F>u-F Why? –Maximize syntax? –Keep merge going? –Lighter?

84 Summary Review of GG and HL Introspection vs corpora/texts Gradual, unidirectional change Role of UG determines what changes: PS rules > parameters > features Challenges

85 Some References Allen, Cynthia Topics in Diachronic English Syntax. UMASS Diss. Andersen, henning in Language. L’Arrivée, Pierre The pragmatic motics of the Jespersen Cycle: Default, activation, and the history of negation in French. Lingua 120 (9): Baker, Mark The Atoms of Language. New York: Basic Books. Baker, Mark The syntax of Agreement and Concord. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

86 Biberauer, Theresa & Ian Roberts The Significance of What Hasn’t Happened. DIGS 14, Lisbon, 4 July. Bopp, Franz Über das Conjugationssystem der Sanskritsprache in Vergleichung mit jenem der griechischen, lateinischen, persischen und germanischen Sprachen. Frankfurt-am-Main. Breitbarth, Anne The Development of Conditional Modal Verbs. DIGS 14, Lisbon, July.

87 Chomsky, Noam Aspects of the theory of syntax. Cambridge, MA.: MIT Press. Chomsky, Noam The Minimalist Program. Cambridge: MIT Press. Chomsky, Noam Approaching UG from below. In Uli Sauerland et al. (eds), Interfaces + Recursion = Language, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Closs, Elizabeth Diachronic Syntax and Generative grammar. Language 41.3: Closs Traugott, Elizabeth A History of English Syntax. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Condillac, Etienne Bonnot de Essai sur lórigine des connaissances humaines. Paris. Crowley, Terry An Introduction to Historical Linguistics. Auckland: Oxford University Press. Dahl, Osten Inflationary Effects in Language and Elsewhere. In Joan Bybee and Paul Hopper, eds. Frequency and the Emergence of Linguistic Structure, Philadelphia: Benjamins. Franzén, Torsten Etude sur la syntaxe des pronoms personnels sujets en ancien français. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksells Boktryckeri. Gabelentz, Georg von der 1891[1901]. Die Sprachwissenshaft. Ihre Aufgaben, Methoden und bisherigen Ergebnisse. Leipzig : Weigel. [reprint Tübingen: Narr 1972].

88 .Gardiner, Alan H The word... Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 41: Gelderen, Elly van A History of English Reflexive Pronouns. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Gelderen, Elly van Grammaticalization as Economy. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Gelderen, Elly van Where did Late Merge go? Grammaticalization as Feature Economy. Studia Linguistica: Gelderen, Elly van The Linguistic Cycle. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Givón, Talmy Historical syntax and synchronic morphology. Chicago Linguistic Society Proceedings 7: Givón, Talmy Topic, pronoun, and grammatical agreement. In Charles Li (ed.) Subject and Topic, New York: Academic Press. Greenberg, Joseph How does a language acquire gender markers? In Joseph Greenberg (ed.), Universals of Human Language 3, Stanford University Press.

89 Harris, Martin The Evolution of French Syntax. London: Longman. Heine, Bernd, Ulrike Claudi, & Friederike Hünnemeyer Grammaticalization: A conceptual framework. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Heine, Bernd & Tania Kuteva Language Contact and Grammatical Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hengeveld, Kees Non-verbal Predication. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Hodge, Carleton The Linguistic Cycle. Linguistic Sciences: 13: 1-7. Hoeksema, Jack Jespersen Recycled. In Elly van Gelderen Cyclical Change, Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Hopper, Mike & Elizabeth Traugott Grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Huang, James to appear. On Syntactic Analyticity and Parametric Theory. In Handbook of Chinese Languages. Wiley-Blackwell. Humboldt, Wilhelm von Über die Verschiedenheit des menschlichen Sprachbaus und seinen Einfluss auf die geistige Entwicklung des Menschengeschlechts. Ingham, Richard & Pierre L’Arrivée (eds.). to appear. The Evolution of Negation: Beyond the Jespersen Cycle. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

90 Jack, George Negative adverbs in early Middle English. English Studies 59: Jespersen, Otto 1917 [1966]. Negation in English and other Languages. Copenhagen: A.F. Høst. [second edition] Jespersen, Otto Language. London: Allen & Unwin. Katz, Aya Cyclical Grammaticalization and the Cognitive Link between Pronoun and Copula. Rice Dissertation. Kiparsky, Paul Phonological Change. MIT PhD. Kiparsky, Paul Indo-European Origins of Germanic Syntax. In Ian Roberts and Adrian Battye (eds.), Clause Structure and Language Change, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kiparsky, Paul Grammaticalization as Optimization. In Dianne Jonas, John Whitman, and Andrew Garrett, Grammatical Change Origins, Nature, Outcomes, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kiparsky, Paul & Cleo Condoravdi (2006). Tracking Jespersen’s Cycle. In Mark Janse, Brian Joseph & A. Ralli (eds.). Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference of Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory, Mytilene: Doukas. Kemenade, Ans van Syntactic Case and Morphological Case in the History of English. Dordrecht: Foris. Kemenade, Ans van & Nigel Vincent (eds) Parameters of Morphosyntactic Change. CUP. King, Robert Historical Linguistics and Generative Grammar. Prentice Hall. Klima, Edward Studies in Diachronic Transformational Syntax. Harvard PhD. Kroch, Anthony & Anne Taylor Verb movement in Old and Middle English: dialect variation and language contact. In Ans van Kemenade and Nigel Vincent (eds.), Parameters of Morphosyntactic Change, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Labov, William Language in the Inner City. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press. Lakoff, Robin Abstract Syntax and Latin Complementation. MIT Press. Lambrecht, Knud Topic, Antitopic, and Verb Agreement in Non Standard French. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Landau, Barbara Where’s what and what’s where: the language of objects in space. Lingua 92: Lightfoot, David The diachronic analysis of English modals. Historical Linguistics ed. by J. M. Anderson & C. Jones, Amsterdam: North Holland Publishing. Lightfoot, David Principles of Diachronic Syntax. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

91 Li, Charles, and Sandra Thompson A mechanism for the development of copula morphemes. In Charles Li (ed.), Mechanisms of syntactic change, Austin: University of Texas Press. Los, Bettelou 2012 The loss of verb-second and the switch from bounded to unbounded systems. In Meurman-Solin, Anneli et al. (eds), Informationa Structure and Syntactic Change in the History of English, Oxford: Oxford University Press. McWhorter, John Towards a new model of creole genesis. New York: Peter Lang. Medeiros, David Economy of Command. University of Arizona PhD. Meillet, Antoine. (1921 [1912]) "L'évolution des formes grammaticales". In: Linguistique historique et linguistique générale (ed. Édouard Champion). Paris: Librairie Ancienne Honoré Champion, [reprint 1958] Nesselhauf, Nadja Mechanisms of language change in a functional system: the recent semantic evolution of English future time expressions. Journal of Historical Linguistics 2.1: Pustet, Regina Copulas: Universals in the Categorization of the Lexicon. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Roberts, Ian Verbs and Diachronic Syntax. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Roberts, Ian Grammaticalization, the clausal hierarchy, and semantic bleaching. In Graeme Trousdale & Elizabeth Traugott (eds), Gradience, Gradualness, and Grammaticalization, Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

92 Roberts, Ian & Anna Roussou Syntactic Change: A Minimalist Approach to Grammaticalization. Cambridge: CUP. Robins, R.H A Short History of Linguistics. London: Longman. Schlegel, August Wilhem von Observations sur la langue et la literature provençales. Paris. Schwegler, Armin Analyticity and Syntheticity. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Sigurðsson, Halldór Conditions on Argument Drop. Linguistic Inquiry 42.2: Stassen, Leon Intransitive Predication. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Tauli, Valter The Structural Tendencies of Languages. Helsinki. Tauli, Valter Structural Tendencies in Uralic Languages. Den Haag: Mouton. Tooke, John Horne The Diversion of Purley. London.. Traugott, Elizabeth & Bernd Heine Grammaticalization. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Trudgill, Peter & Jenny Cheshire The sociolinguistics reader volume 1. London: Arnold. van der Auwera, Johan The Jespersen Cycles. In Elly van Gelderen (ed.) Cyclical Change, Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Vance, Barbara Syntactic Change in Medieval French. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Vitral, Lorenso & Jânia Ramos Gramaticalização: uma abordagem formal. Rio de Janeiro: Tempo Brasileiro. Zribi-Hertz, A. (1994). La syntaxe des clitiques nominatifs. Travaux de Linguistique et Litterature:


Download ppt "Generative Historical Syntax and the Linguistic Cycle Elly van Gelderen 29 March 2013 Harvard Linguistic Circle."

Similar presentations


Ads by Google