Presentation on theme: "Straights: Heterosexuality in Post-Closeted Culture James Joseph Dean “Chapter 3: Straight Men: Renegotiating Hegemonic Masculinity and its Homophobic."— Presentation transcript:
Straights: Heterosexuality in Post-Closeted Culture James Joseph Dean “Chapter 3: Straight Men: Renegotiating Hegemonic Masculinity and its Homophobic Bargain”
Hegemonic Masculinity Scholars of masculinities underscore the importance of studying heterosexual masculinities in relation to homosexual ones (Carrigan, Connell, and Lee 2002; Connell and Messerschmidt 2005; Kimmel and Messner 2007; Segal 1990). Raewyn Connell (1987, Connell and Messerschmidt 2005 ) has developed the concept of hegemonic masculinity to illustrate the normative status of heterosexuality, arguing that “the most important feature of contemporary hegemonic masculinity is that it is heterosexual, being closely connected to the institution of marriage; and a key form of subordinated masculinity is homosexual” (1987, 186)
Thesis Throughout this chapter, Dean highlights how homophobic practices are being reframed due to a context of increasing homosexual tolerance that pressures straight men to downplay prejudice toward lesbians and gays in public settings, and to reserve its expression for their interpersonal social circles, where it’s still taken for granted and is not socially sanctioned as unacceptable behavior. In this chapter Dean shows that in today’s post-closeted culture, patterned exceptions have emerged in relation to, and as a contestation of, hegemonic masculinity, and consequently straight masculinities do not necessarily rely on homophobia for their establishment (McCormack 2011; McCormack and Anderson 2010).
Concept and Analytical Focus He argues that we must now explore the development of antihomophobias or pro-gay acts on the part of straight men in post-closeted contexts. He defines antihomophobias as practices that aim to counter prejudice and discrimination against gays and lesbians as well as practices that may expose, and sometimes renounce, straight status and privilege. In this chapter, he shows that black and white straight men’s antihomophobic stances trade on the prestige of being tolerant of gays and lesbians, with black straight men’s antihomophobias in particular drawing on their experiences with racism.
Straight Identity Practices and the Continuum of Social Distance This chapter examines the construction of straight masculinities through in-depth interviews with fourteen black and fifteen white straight men. It documents a range of interactional practices through which these men enact straight masculinity, from those who rely on homophobic practices to maintain an unambiguous straight status to those who embrace antihomophobic practices. The discussion of these practices derives from interview data, and it takes the practices the men reported to Dean as conventional ways of speaking and acting that they treat as matters of commonsense knowledge and everyday competence. He develops an analytical continuum to map a range of heterosexual masculinities; the continuum moves from homophobic heterosexual masculinities (which the model of hegemonic masculinity theorizes) to antihomophobic ones (which contest the hegemonic model). See Table 6.2 (p. 253).
The Continuum of Straight Boundaries of Social Distance (Men) (See p. 128.)
Homophobias and Strongly Aversive Boundaries Nine of the 29 straight men fall into the “strongly aversive” category of the continuum. Six of these men are black and the other three are white. Each expresses homophobic views that define homosexuality as socially and morally inferior to heterosexuality. This is the key characteristic that Dean used to establish their inclusion in this category. In their most hegemonic form, these homophobic practices reproduce heteronormativity, as the men seemingly want to recast homosexuality as a closeted identity that does not deserve respect, recognition, or legal rights
Homophobias and Strongly Aversive Boundaries Rodney, a 33 year old black male Raised in a conservative Southern Baptist tradition, Rodney, an African American male in his thirties, is married with children and works as a teacher. Rodney views homosexuality as morally wrong and projects a straight identity through his homophobic practices: – “I think that anybody who knows me, if they are gay, they would know that it’s a good idea not to tell me that they are…because my moral foundation is such that there are some social vices, moral vices that I don’t want to be around….Let me give you an analogy: homosexuality is to the family what cancer is to any living tissue of the body.”
Homophobias and Strongly Aversive Boundaries Although Rodney knows that many Americans now view homophobia as mean-spirited and wrong, he resents the term “homophobia” for criticizing individuals who condemn homosexuality. He feels at odds with currents in American culture, particularly the values of his white liberal school district, which increasingly construct gays as normal people who deserve tolerance and respect. – “Homophobia is a verbal sword for homosexuals. It’s their nuclear weapon. If you some how want to make homosexuality wrong, immoral or bad, then it’s automatically because you fear it. Nobody is psychoanalyzing the entire globe… that’s just a blanket weapon. In my mind that’s what homophobia is, it’s a weapon used by homosexuals to paint heterosexuals or non-homosexuals in one big paint stroke.”
Homophobias and Strongly Aversive Boundaries Eric, a 26 year old white male Eric, a white male in his mid-twenties, constructs his heterosexuality by avoiding dressing in styles that he views as connoting a nonmasculine and, by extension, gay identity. Eric recalls the following incident where he felt anxious that his gender practices didn’t project an unambiguously straight masculinity. – “My girlfriend took me out to try to give me a little fashion tip, because apparently I don’t know how to dress. We bought a few shirts that were lighter colored and tighter fitting. I wore them a couple of times and [thought] ‘I look good. They show off my muscles.’ And after kind of sittin’ back and viewin’ some of the shirts that I see some men out there wearing…a lot of guys wear these tight shirts. But on me, I threw them away. I didn’t like them. I thought, and that’s what I said to her, ‘I think this looks gay.’ It was a yellow shirt that was tight, a black shirt that was tight, light cotton. Just not the masculine look that I want.”
Homophobias and Strongly Aversive Boundaries Eric, a 26 year old white male “They [my sister and mother] were joking around, saying, ‘I think that Eric is gay.’ And I got all upset about it, saying, ‘How the heck can I be gay? I’ve been datin’ these girls and then I said ‘who said that?’ And she [his sister] said, ‘Oh, Mom said it.’ And it was this big joke. But as far as am I viewed as masculine, I think that if I’m not viewed as masculine it’s only because of how in touch with my feelings I am known to be among friends and family members that is not necessarily so common with men of my age. I’ve always been made to feel not that that it’s not masculine, but it’s like emotional intelligence.” Although Eric dismisses the charge of being gay as a joke, he does not surrender his emotional sensitivity in order to avoid a misreading as gay. In effect, Eric is refashioning an idea of a masculine straight self that includes this emotionality. Indeed, his talent for giving advice is something he’s proud of. To renegotiate masculinity, Eric designates this emotionality a form of “intelligence,” even if it’s “emotional intelligence.” It is important to note that the labeling of his emotionally attuned behavior as “emotional intelligence” is also a nonhomophobic practice, as it neither produces antigay prejudice nor counters it.
Homophobias and Strongly Aversive Boundaries Eric, a 26 year old white male “I’ll be sitting with my stepfather or with my buddies who are prejudice up the ying yang. They’ve got something to say about everybody. I can kind of chime in but to a little more tasteful level and not such an offensive level.... Homophobia means taking the things that I don’t like about certain gay individuals [e.g. effeminacy], taking them at a personal level. When I said that it doesn’t bother me personal [sic], someone who is homophobic will look at a way that a guy they deem gay and say that threatens my masculinity, and that’s being homophobic. They feel that if someone like that is talking to them or is around them that they need to make a comment.” Here Eric tells me that his friends and stepfather are strongly prejudiced, invoking a sexual metaphor with the phrase “prejudiced up the ying yang,” an interesting choice of words due to associations of gay men with anal sex. Moreover, he views public comments directed at gay individuals (or individuals perceived as gay) as homophobic, but hedges on his own less public practices. Instructively, his discussion of homophobia illustrates an implicit division among some straight male circles: one either actively participates in homophobic culture and maintains a heterosexual status, or risks losing one’s heterosexual standing for being nonhomophobic.
Homophobias and Strongly Aversive Boundaries Martin, a 44 year old black male, says being heterosexual means, – “That means I’m not attracted to men. I’m not sexually attracted to them. I can remember a time when, that’s why I asked you about transgendered. There are some she males or transgender males [sic]. You would never know unless they told you they were. There was this situation where I meet somebody and then nothing happened. I met this person. It wasn’t at a gay bar. It was to my knowledge, it was just a regular straight place. The person was very nice, very nice. But you would’ve never known that [she was a transsexual woman]. I would never be attracted to a man. Doesn’t do anything for me, but I find out later that they [sic] were.”
Homophobias and Strongly Aversive Boundaries Martin found himself attracted to and flirting with a transsexual woman he met at a straight bar. Later he found out this person was not a biological woman and was taken aback by the discovery. His attraction to a transwoman made him reflect upon and question his own heterosexuality. If he was attracted to a transsexual woman, then was he attracted to men and not heterosexual but gay? While he says that he is not attracted to men, he did find himself attracted to this transwoman on this occasion, describing her as “very nice.” Hence the perplexity this interaction creates for his own conception of straight identity. Transsexual women are often portrayed in popular media accounts as “tricking” cisgender men (that is, men who experience a match between the gender they were assigned at birth, their bodies, and identities) into having sexual relations with them under the pretense that they are cisgender women. In reports of these incidents, cisgender men respond by murdering the said transwomen in an act of retribution that seems aimed at regaining and purifying their polluted straight masculine identity status (Schilt and Westbrook 2009).
Homophobias and Strongly Aversive Boundaries Although Martin did not grow up going to church, he married a black woman from a strong religious tradition and joined her conservative black Presbyterian church. Due to his religious beliefs, he does not condone homosexuality: “I think marriage is an institution that was instituted by God for procreation of his creation. A male, female can only come together and have a child. There’s no way that a man and a man can have a child together. Would I vote for it? This is what it really comes down to. Would I vote for a same [sex] marriage package? I would probably say no, and I’m not a bigot by any means.” Martin views gay marriage as prohibited by his Christian beliefs, but he still claims to be “not a bigot,” indicating his desire to be seen as nonhomophobic despite his own statement opposing same-sex marriage. Still, his statement about not being a bigot indicates that Martin wants to differentiate himself from, say, racists, who are often described as bigots. His statement hints at a connection between racial and sexual prejudices, but his Christianity seems to determine his stance on gay marriage.
Homophobias and Strongly Aversive Boundaries William, a 38 year old white male He illustrates how straight men who tolerate gays still experience a homophobic anxiety based on a fear of being an object of gay male desire. William consciously identifies as a “straight, white male, Republican, business [minded], economic conservative, [with] libertarian social values. That sums me up.” Even though he does not frame these master statuses as forms of privilege, his naming of them shows an awareness of his multiple identity statuses. He makes a point of telling me that he is less homophobic than other straight men, as his very willingness to be interviewed demonstrates his tolerant attitude. He says, “I’m more comfortable in more situations. I mean how many straight guys like me are gonna come in and sit and have this interview. Yeah, I don’t think I’m a typical guy.”
Homophobias and Strongly Aversive Boundaries Since William has never been married and is single and straight, this status creates some tension for him. He knows, for instance, that others sometimes view being single at his age, thirty-eight, as a potential sign of homosexuality. In addition, William generally avoids going into gay bars and fears having a man flirt with him. “I think as a heterosexual guy you have a phobia of being hit on by another guy. That’s largely why we don’t like to go, like myself, I don’t feel comfortable going to The Pub [a gay bar] for a drink. I’ve been in there before. My friend Alicia dragged me in there one night, but I felt anxious the whole time.” For many straight men like William, homophobia is less about prejudice toward gay men and is more based on social anxiety about a gay man being attracted to and flirting with them. For instance, William tells me that his gay friend Jim told him that “he looks at guys the way I look at women.” And this reversal in being the object of objectification, as opposed to the subject doing the objectification, produces an anxiety that William experiences as a social-psychological threat.
Antihomophobias, Weak Boundaries, and Maintaining Straight Privilege Sixteen out of twenty-nine respondents fall into the weak heteronormative boundaries range, while the remaining four men constitute those who blur boundaries. Eight black and eight white men constitute the sixteen men in the weak boundaries category, while four white men constitute the category of men who blur heteronormative boundaries. Although both categories of men exhibit antihomophobic practices that position gays as equals, the key characteristic that defines the straight men in the weak position of the continuum is that they do invoke their straight status to maintain straight privilege. For instance, they often mention their girlfriends or wives in conversations to indicate their heterosexual status, or by having their female friends, girlfriends, or wives accompany them when they patronize gay establishments. In the weak boundaries category, nine out of the sixteen men report having gone to a gay bar, a pride parade, or another gay event. Eight out of those nine state that their girlfriends or wives accompanied them or that they disclosed their straight status when men flirted with them in these contexts.
Antihomophobias, Weak Boundaries, and Maintaining Straight Privilege Richard, a 56 year old black male “In retrospect, there were folks in the neighborhood and the church who were gay, mostly men. Folk would describe certain folk, not as being gay or homosexual, but being a sissy. Being a sissy, that was the expression. When I was younger, if you fell down and got banged up, folk would say, ‘now don’t come home crying like a sissy….’ You knew what the word sissy meant, a man with feminine kinds of traits.” “Well being homosexual in the Black community is still very much a closeted kind of expression. And when I was growing up, it wasn’t exposed. There were some folk who were obviously that way, but they were just so in the minority. That whole issue is pretty difficult to dialogue with. And it is associated to some degree with weaknesses and peculiarity kind of thing.”
Antihomophobias, Weak Boundaries, and Maintaining Straight Privilege Richard, a 56 year old black male “I have a very religious background. I know what the Bible says about it. The Bible defines it as a sin, but so is hate a sin. There’s no time for arguing, should Bob marry Bob? Who cares? Could I belong to a congregation where the pastor was gay? I struggle with that. But I would also go to a church where the pastor was gay. But to be a member, I struggle with that. I don’t know where I would fall in that paradigm. You would not catch me at a rally opposing gay marriage. I mean they can raise families as well as anyone. I mean sexual practice. What’s next? Height? We’ve done the race thing.”
Antihomophobias, Weak Boundaries, and Maintaining Straight Privilege Jeff, a 37 year old white Jewish male Jeff draws weaker boundaries of social distance from gay and lesbian people. He lives with his wife in a mixed gay/straight neighborhood, and they are acquainted with many gay individuals. In fact, he also goes to gay bars with his wife and is flattered when gay men flirt with him. Jeff says he mentions his wife as a last tactic to indicate he’s straight. He recounts a time when this happened: “I was talking to someone the other day and he was hitting on me when I was sitting on the steps [of my house]. And I was trying to figure out a way to tell him I wasn’t interested. I didn’t want to be rude to the guy. But finally I just said something like, ‘My wife wouldn’t like me going out to Magnet [a gay bar] with you.’”
Antihomophobias, Weak Boundaries, and Maintaining Straight Privilege Jeff doesn’t think that gender behavior indicates someone’s sexual identity, unless the person is extremely gender- nonconformist. Still, out of habit he avoids certain behaviors: “I would say that I don’t go like this [makes a limp wrist]. Because I think that’s traditionally, if you do that, then people will say [you’re gay]. It doesn’t mean anything either, but stereotypically that’s in my head. I don’t cross my legs, you know, the real close cross.” Here, his coding of behaviors like crossing one’s legs indicates that he views enacting practices coded as feminine as devaluing a man’s masculine display and eliciting others’ suspicion that he is homosexual.
Antihomophobias, Weak Boundaries, and Maintaining Straight Privilege Mark, a 30 year old African American male Like Jeff, Mark doesn’t maintain strong boundaries between straights and gays. For example, when he was married he would go to gay clubs with his wife, but now he sometimes goes with female friends. Yet, despite Mark’s lack of strong boundaries between gays and straights, he still thickly codes straight or gay identity practices through masculinity and refracts these masculinity practices through racial and social class lenses.
Antihomophobias, Weak Boundaries, and Maintaining Straight Privilege “Culturally, for African/Latin men we usually wearing those baggy jeans, the boots. Just a certain look that we’ve become accustomed to giving off. If I see another African American or Latin American brother, he might be doin’, what’s one of the artist, the Lenny Kravitz thing. He may be fully aware of himself and just don’t wanta assimilate to what everybody in the hood is wearing. So, automatically that draws attention. Something’s up. It may be the jeans won’t be as baggy. He might not have a thermal or hoodie on. He might have a nice shirt on. He might even tucked in the shirt. A lot of times I know for a fact brothas look at the level of education as well. Because everyone speaks a certain lingo. There’s a certain type of dialect that’s spoken. But you have someone else come in that’s been afforded education and dress a little bit differently because consumer-wise they’re conscious, it throw people off and they try to figure him out.” In effect, Mark is appealing to racial norms of clothing style (i.e., baggy jeans and oversized shirts for blacks and Latinos) in order to establish a straight masculine identity. However, Mark acknowledges that styles of dress vary among black and Latino men. For instance, class status as indicated through consumption habits often alters the style practices that black and Latino straight men model as well.
Antihomophobias, Weak Boundaries, and Maintaining Straight Privilege Jason, a 26 year old black male “Me being a man and being black automatically throws out the vision of black man. So that would be my strongest identity.” “I’d rather hang around with all girls. That’s where I see bisexuality in guys because they like to hang around with other guys. When you hang around with just guys all the time, all they’re talking about are girls.”
Antihomophobias, Weak Boundaries, and Maintaining Straight Privilege Jason, a 26 year old black male “That could be a stereotype for gay men, but in my case a lot of people seem to just think I have a lot of girls and I’m hooking up with all these girls. They never assume that I’m gay because I hang out alone with girls.” “Because I’m black and if you look at it from the standpoint of at one time black people were discriminated against by everyone, why would you discriminate against somebody else? Just put yourself in their shoes because you actually can. Because black people are still discriminated against.”
Antihomophobias, Weak Boundaries, and Maintaining Straight Privilege Matt, a 30 year old white male “I’ve always been a guy who’s had a lot of friends who were female, and exclusively friends. I mean I go out with four, five, six girls, which is a little abnormal in the sense of what guys think is typical. I’ve gotten into plenty of conversations where it would be girl talk. I don’t mean any of those stereotypical things: but girls get together and they sit around and they talk about their feelings. And guys, as a very general experience of mine, don’t do that.” “The way that I interpret the term is a heterosexual male who has a lot of the perceived characteristics of a homosexual male – tidiness, neatness, style with their dress.”
Antihomophobias, Blurred Boundaries, and Surrendering Straight Privilege Nick, a 22 year old white male For Nick, being heterosexual “means that I’m only emotionally and physically attracted to the opposite sex. Guys have never given me an erection.” “I get that confusion all the time working in the bar scene. I have guys and girls come on to me. So I know for a fact that I don’t protrude a straight, exact heterosexual or homosexual, identity. I realized that the lines are so blurred these days that you really can’t tell who’s gay and straight.”
Antihomophobias, Blurred Boundaries, and Surrendering Straight Privilege Nick, a 22 year old white male “Homosexuals don’t make me feel uncomfortable. The only time I ever feel uncomfortable in a bar is when somebody is a little bit too forward and that happens with straight people and gay people. Although in this area, I do find it a little bit more among the gay community. Like gay men are a little bit more forceful if they find you attractive and they’re drunk at a bar. I don’t have women grabbing my ass and touching my chest at a straight bar. But if I go to someplace like Magnet or the Bar [gay bars] with a couple of friends, it’s bound to happen. It doesn’t bother me. I almost expect it, but definitely a little bit more forward.”
Conclusion Being antihomophobic, then, is also a gender and sexual identity strategy that trades on the prestige of being tolerant, enlightened, and empathetic in order to claim a gay-friendly straight masculine status in the context of gay visibility and tolerance The association of masculinity with male bodies does not automatically enforce gender normativity nor does a conventional masculine performance necessarily entail a homophobic stance Race shapes and changes how straight men enact their antihomopobias, with black men linking their experiences of racial prejudice to gays’ experiences of homophobia
Discussion Questions 1.Define the relationship between hegemonic masculinity, straight masculinity, and homophobia. 2.What does homophobia mean to you? How does Dean define homophobia? 3.What does being antihomophobic mean to you? How does Dean define antihomophobia? 4.Why are some straight men homophobic? Why are some straight men gay-friendly and anti-homophobic? 5.What role does race and religion play in the identity practices of the black and white straight men Dean interviewed? 6.How do gay-friendly black straight men link racism and homophobia? 7.What kind of words and deeds were enacted by the four straight men who blurred boundaries between gay and straight identity boundaries?