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Revenge of the Grassroots: the Transformation of the Orange Order since 1950.

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Presentation on theme: "Revenge of the Grassroots: the Transformation of the Orange Order since 1950."— Presentation transcript:

1 Revenge of the Grassroots: the Transformation of the Orange Order since 1950

2 Revenge of the Grassroots A less hierarchical organisation: 1.Changes in social background of elites and masses in 20 th c 2.Growth of populism/democracy within Orange Order since 1950 Relationship to Unionist identity and DUP

3 From Deference to Defiance Division between 'Rough' and 'Respectable' (Bryan 2000) Division between 'Rebel' and 'Loyalist' traditions since the beginning Modernisation shifts the balance

4 RebelsLoyalists DenominationPresbyterian, MethodistChurch of Ireland Plantation OriginScots-IrishAnglo-Irish Mass baseIndustrial Labour, Small freeholdersRural tenants North American Exemplars‘Scotch-Irish’ Patriots in USA, c. 1776Irish Orange Loyalists in Canada, c Interpretation of OrangeismUphold militant ProtestantismUphold traditional British-Protestant values View of Grand Lodge and Unionist leaders SkepticalRespectful Preferred Political ExpressionDirect Public ProtestInformal elite channels Preferred Orange PrincipleUlster-Protestant ethnic interest and reformed faith - as embodied in abstract principle and the sentiments of the mass membership Orange tradition - as embodied in Orange laws, ordinances, customs and history LeadershipEvangelical clergy, petit-bourgeoisieAristocracy, Large local businessmen Political PhilosophyLockean radical change, PopulismBurkean evolution, Deference to elite consensus Attitudes to alcohol, band discipline and traditional social mores More permissive, with the exception of a small number of moral fundamentalists Conservative Stance toward paramilitaries and political violence More permissiveAntagonistic Attitude toward British crownConditionalityLoyalty Interpretation of ProtestantismProtestantism as dissentProtestantism as tradition National identityUlstermenBritish Favoured N.I. partyDUPUUP Regional baseAntrim, N. Down, BelfastSouth and West

5 Orange/Non-Orange Differential in Support for the Agreement

6 (Post-)Modernisation and Nationalism 'Rebel' side in better accord with modernity Thus modernisation = populist ‘nationalism’ while tradition = support for UUP moderates UUP/DUP support difference best predicted by age Contradicts some post-modernisation theory that sees the decline of ethnic, religious or national identities (ie Giddens)

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9 Central Committee as 'Cabinet'

10 Structural Change? Informal power over policy concentrated within member Central Committee ('Cabinet') and, to a lesser degree, Grand Lodge ('Parliament') 'Influentials' dominate CC proceedings Central Committee used to be more socially elite than the membership Part of deferential culture no longer apparent

11 Social Change in the 20 th Century Class 'slippage' at elite level and mass level Flattening of social hierarchy within Orangeism Breaking of link between Unionist Party, Grand Lodge and Unionist social elite

12 Central Committee Class 'Slippage', : Only 9 Untitled out of JPs; 5 OBEs; 1995: 31 untitled out of 41; 1 MBE; 5 JPs

13 Occupations of Mid-Level Orange Elite, 1901

14 Status of Mid-Level Orange Elite, 2001 (MOSAIC)

15 % Top 12 Rural 8 Bottom 7 Nonrural Top 12 Nonrural Bottom 7 N Freemason officebearers 67.8%15.5%8.0%80.2%9.4%766 Orange bloc UUC delegates 45.7%36.2%12.4%71.6%19.4%105 UUC delegates total44.3%35.9%8.4%69.0%13.1%879 Grand Orange Lodge officebearers 34.7%44.4%9.7%62.5%17.5%144 Northern Ireland population average 32.5%18.1%22.9%39.6%27.9%1.6 m Orange Order (lodge) officebearers 32.4%43.9%12.4%57.7%22.1%1429 Mass Class Slippage?: The Social Profile of the UUC and Orange Order by MOSAIC Classification, 2003 (99% sample)

16 Decline of Skilled-Worker Base in Belfast

17 Elite and Mass Class Slippage Grand Lodge Elite of much humbler origins, unlike UUC (strength or weakness?) Mid-level elite of private lodge masters/secs & district officers (top.5 to 5% of Orangemen) has slipped considerably in 20th c. Flattened Orange social hierarchy Total 22% non-manual membership in 1996 Mass of membership retains 1950 socioeconomic profile while society changes

18 Consequences of Social Change Does the social change matter? NO – 1960s reforms drove a wedge between the Order and the UUP/Unionist elite that previously did not exist YES – Social change made it easier for the Order’s elite to cut its ties to the Unionist party and its reform programme Answer is that both matter

19 The Old Order Remains Intact, o 1954 Dungiven (John Andrews suspends O & P rebels); o Dungiven (Sir G Clark concedes some territory to John Brown and Wm Douglas); o 1964 (Sir G Clark defends O’ Neill against Brown/Smyth); o 1965 (Sir G Clark defends O’Neill against LOL 1310);

20 The Turning of the Tide, o (resolution of support to PM; but troubles over Easter Rising celebrations; Clark remarks re being ‘fobbed off’ by PM); o Clark resigns o November 1968, Sam Magowan defends the government o E arly 1969: Orange conditionally support O’ Neill over ban on Civil Rights march o mid 1969 sacking of Wm Craig leads to open split o

21 The Separation of Party and Order, o Chichester-Clark quickly loses support with parade ban in latter half of 69 and latter 1970 o 7 July 1970 Order meets UK delegation o Late no confidence motion in the Govt o Brown’s caustic remarks re PM, 1970 o Nov 1971: Douglas challenges Bryans’ leadership o Faulkner’s inauguration, 1971: greetings sent, but major debate about whether to do so

22 Summary of Orange Realignment Order’s elite once might have defied grassroots, but since mid-60s has been populist/democratic From corporate ‘insider’ pillar to ‘outsider’ lobby group, so Orange leadership has no reason to defend UUP elite Lobby for ethnic interests of Ulster-Protestants, especially the working/rural/petit-bourgeois base No major change in elite-mass dynamics since mid 60s. Resists changes perceived to weaken Ulster-Protestant interest Reflects grassroots, which reflects working-class base of Unionism Difficult to discern a distinct Orange elite agenda

23 Post-1995 Period Key Issues: Drumcree; Mass resignation of traditionalist Education Committee; Grand Lodge support for DUP No change since mid-1960s: Template is to defend Ulster-Protestant ethnic interest against reforms which may threaten this Tradition of anti-Paisleyism, but now attracted to post- Paisley DUP rather than anti-Agreement UUP Spirit of Drumcree did have influence, but did not take over Order broadly follows Unionist centre on Agreement and DUP/UUP NB: DUP has become most popular party among Unionists

24 Conclusion Major social change within the Order, present Flattening of hierarchies, class slippage Did social change matter: yes and no From pillar of corporatism to outsider/lobby 'Rebel‘ Unionism, DUP influence on the rise Reflects broader social changes in Unionist community rather than any premeditated DUP takeover of Orange leadership

25 Drumcree, post-1995 Orange march halted by RC protestors, Portadown, from 1995 on. 'Spirit of Drumcree' splinter movement led by Joel Patton 1500 meet in Ulster Hall, Belfast, 1995 As in 1954, grievances over talks with Residents' Groups; UUP-Orange link; 'Undemocratic' Grand Lodge Structures

26 Drumcree - Aftermath Leaders not disciplined, unlike Order attempts to conciliate. Traditionalist legitimation vs. Rebels: 'Encouragement to violence is unchristian, and calls for 'direct democracy' are republican.' - Grand Lodge, 1995

27 Drumcree - Aftermath Smyth resigns, 1996; Saulters takes over, Occupation of House of Orange by Spirit of Drumcree Physically prevented the moderate Education Committee members from speaking to Parades Commission, 1997 Saulters, Watson - U-turn on policy in Spirit of Drumcree leaders only expelled in due to action of their own private lodge (who acted despite threats). Grand Lodge did not act.

28 Drumcree - Aftermath Reduction in number of Grand Chaplains in Grand Lodge (reduced religious/moderate influence), 1999 Education Committee resigns en masse due to Grand Lodge censure. Reconstituted with DUP loyalists, 2000 Rev. Brian Kenneway charges the new leadership with running scared of DUP and paramilitary- influenced elements. Suggests that there is a new (post-1998) culture of 'inverted snobbery' based on anti-intellectualism and anti-clericalism Populist elements may be on the verge of triumph

29 Drumcree - Aftermath Smyth resigns, 1996; Saulters takes over, Occupation of House of Orange by Spirit of Drumcree Physically prevented the moderate Education Committee members from speaking to Parades Commission, 1997 Saulters, Watson - U-turn on policy in Spirit of Drumcree leaders only expelled in due to action of their own private lodge (who acted despite threats). Grand Lodge did not act.

30 Drumcree - Aftermath Reduction in number of Grand Chaplains in Grand Lodge (reduced religious/moderate influence), 1999 Education Committee resigns en masse due to Grand Lodge censure. Reconstituted with DUP loyalists, 2000 Rev. Brian Kenneway charges the new leadership with running scared of DUP and paramilitary- influenced elements. Suggests that there is a new (post-1998) culture of 'inverted snobbery' based on anti-intellectualism and anti-clericalism Populist elements may be on the verge of triumph

31 UUP share of Protestant vote at District Council level

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33 2001 Election Study Findings (Protestants) Self-Identified Protestants participate at same level as Catholics Age by far the strongest predictor of UUP vote, esp vs cohorts Education level more important than income or class for a pro-UUP vote Anti-Establishment feeling very important for anti-UUP vote

34 RebelsLoyalists DenominationPresbyterian, MethodistChurch of Ireland Plantation OriginScots-IrishAnglo-Irish Mass baseIndustrial Labour, Small freeholdersRural tenants North American Exemplars‘Scotch-Irish’ Patriots in USA, c. 1776Irish Orange Loyalists in Canada, c Interpretation of OrangeismUphold militant ProtestantismUphold traditional British-Protestant values View of Grand Lodge and Unionist leaders SkepticalRespectful Preferred Political ExpressionDirect Public ProtestInformal elite channels Preferred Orange PrincipleUlster-Protestant ethnic interest and reformed faith - as embodied in abstract principle and the sentiments of the mass membership Orange tradition - as embodied in Orange laws, ordinances, customs and history LeadershipEvangelical clergy, petit-bourgeoisieAristocracy, Large local businessmen Political PhilosophyLockean radical change, PopulismBurkean evolution, Deference to elite consensus Attitudes to alcohol, band discipline and traditional social mores More permissive, with the exception of a small number of moral fundamentalists Conservative Stance toward paramilitaries and political violence More permissiveAntagonistic Attitude toward British crownConditionalityLoyalty Interpretation of ProtestantismProtestantism as dissentProtestantism as tradition National identityUlstermenBritish Favoured N.I. partyDUPUUP Regional baseAntrim, N. Down, BelfastSouth and West

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36 2001 Election Study Findings (Protestants) Self-Identified Protestants participate at same level as Catholics Age by far the strongest predictor of UUP vote, esp vs cohorts Education level more important than income or class for a pro-UUP vote Anti-Establishment feeling very important for anti-UUP vote

37 Traditionalists (Orange & Other), Co. Tyrone

38 Orange Skeptics & Liberal Civics (East Belfast)

39 Non-Orange Skeptics: Protestant Working-Class Area, Co. Armagh

40 (link 1)

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43 Orange Order Lodges & Density 1991


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