# Deriving wide-scoping operators in an associative Lambek categorial grammar Neal Whitman LSA Conference, Baltimore January 7, 2010.

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Deriving wide-scoping operators in an associative Lambek categorial grammar Neal Whitman nwhitman@ameritech.net LSA Conference, Baltimore January 7, 2010

2 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Some troublesome coordinations 1. 1. [Ward can’t eat caviar] and [his guest get only beans]. (Siegel 1987) 2. 2. [They must have loosened the hooks] and [Mr. Cleaver didn’t notice it]. 3. 3. [Have you tried everything] and [your back still hurts]? 4. 4. [Why am I working] and [you’re just sitting there]?

3 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Some more troublesome coordinations 5. 5. I would be lucky if [I only lost my allowance for six months] and [Papa and Mamma didn’t speak to me for a month]. 6. 6. [Do you want to wash] and [I’ll dry]? 7. 7. [No one measures I.Q. points when you apply for a job] and [you are then paired with fellow employees who are of your mental ability]. 8. 8. It was fun to run into someone who [wasn’t stodgy] and [thought at some point you should call it quits].

4 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Siegel (1987) To derive Ward can’t eat caviar and his guest get only beans: 1. 1. Coordinate tenseless clauses Ward eat caviar and his guest get only beans. 2. 2. Use operation of Right Wrap to move can’t into its surface position. Problem: Analysis does not cover examples like 2-8, where the second conjunct has tense.

5 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Johnson (2000), Hulsey (2006) To derive Ward can’t eat caviar and his guest get only beans: 1. 1. Coordinate tensed clauses Ward can’t eat caviar and his guest can’t get only beans. 2. 2. Across-the-Board movement moves can’t leftward. 3. 3. Ward moves leftward again to produce surface order. Problem: Analysis does not cover examples like 2-8, where the second conjunct still has tense.

6 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com A category for and and: (X\X)/Y specifiercomplement For our example: (S part \S part )/S fin Specifier conjunct and complement conjunct need not have same category.

7 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Deriving Why am I working and you’re just sitting there? Part 1 and: you’re just sitting there: p q  q  p  sit´(you´): (S part \S part )/S fin S fin /E and you’re just sitting there: q  q  sit´(you´)  S part \S part

8 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Deriving Why am I working and you’re just sitting there? Part 2 [e: x: NP] working: work´: NP\S part \E e working: work´(x): S part

9 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Deriving Why am I working and you’re just sitting there? Part 3 e working:and you’re just sitting there: work´(x): q  (q  sit´(you´)): S part S part \S part : \E e working and you’re just sitting there: work´(x)  sit´(you´): S part \I working and you’re just sitting there: x  work´(x)  sit´(you´)): NP\S part

10 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Deriving Why am I working and you’re just sitting there? Part 4 Why am I: working and you’re just sitting there: Q.why´(Q(i´)): Q.why´(Q(i´)): x  work´(x)  sit´(you´)): S wh /(NP\S part )NP\S part /E /E Why am I working and you’re just sitting there: why´(S wh why´(work´(i´)  sit´(you´)): S wh

11 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com In short... 1. We freed and from having to coordinate like categories. 2. We coordinated the second conjunct, the tensed clause... 3....with a participial clause with a hypothesized subject. 4. Then we withdrew the hypothesized subject from the left edge of the coordinate structure... 5....and proceeded with the rest of the derivation.

12 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Categories for and for similar derivations 1. 1. [Ward can’t eat caviar] and [his guest get only beans]. (S base \S base )/S base 2. 2. [They must have loosened the hooks] and [Mr. Cleaver didn’t notice it]. (S base \S base )/S fin 3. 3. [Do you want to wash] and [I’ll dry]? (S inf \S inf )/S fin 4. 4. I would be lucky if [I only lost my allowance for six months] and [Papa and Mamma didn't speak to me for a month]. (S fin \S fin )/S fin 5. 5. [No one measures I.Q. points when you apply for a job] and [you are then paired with fellow employees who are of your mental ability]. (S fin \S fin )/S fin

13 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Deriving who wasn’t stodgy and wanted to quit Part 1 and: wanted to quit: P Q x  Q(x)  P(x)): y.want´(quit´(y))(y) (Adj\Adj)/VPVP /E and wanted to quit: Q x  Q(x)  want´(quit´(x))(x)  Adj\Adj

14 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Deriving who wasn’t stodgy and wanted to quit Part 2 stodgy : and wanted to quit: stodgy´ Q x  Q(x)  want´(quit´(x))(x)  AdjAdj\Adj \E stodgy and wanted to quit: x  stodgy´(x)  want´(quit´(x))(x)  Adj

15 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Deriving who wasn’t stodgy and wanted to quit Part 3 wasn’t:stodgy and wanted to quit: P y.¬P(y): x  stodgy´(x)  want´(quit´(x))(x)): VP/AdjAdj /E wasn’t stodgy and wanted to quit: y.¬(stodgy´(y)  want´(quit´(y))(y)  VP

16 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Other possibilities 1. 1. Some (but not all) relative clauses with resumptive pronouns: a guy who thinks he’s funny but he isn’t, but not a guy she likes but he doesn’t know she exists 2. 2. Some (but not all) ATB violations: the script he sat down and wrote, but not how many beers can you drink and not get drunk? 3. 3. Other kinds of non-parallel coordinations...

17 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Overgeneration To mention just a few... *Do you want to wash and will I dry? #He must have escaped and did they notice? #You must escape and they don’t see you. *She likes them [stodgy and wants-to-quit]. #I hope he wasn’t a jerk and everyone hated him.

18 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Conclusion Associative Lambek categorial grammar has wider coverage of wide-scoping operators than earlier analyses. The analysis may be extendable to cover ATB violations and other non-parallel coordinations. But restrictions are needed on what kinds of clauses and VPs can participate in wide- scoping phenomena.

19 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com References Carpenter, Bob. 1998. Type-Logical Semantics. MIT Press. Hulsey, Sarah. 2006. Gapping in disjunctions. Ms, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Johannessen, Janne Bondi. 1998. Coordination. Oxford University Press. Johnson, Kyle. 2000. Few dogs eat Whiskas or cats Alpo. Issues in Semantics and its Interface; Kusumoto, Kiyomi, and Elisabeth Villalta, eds. University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers. Siegel, Muffy.1987. Compositionality, case, and the scope of auxiliaries. Linguistics and Philosophy 10.53-75. Zhang, Niina Ning. 2010. Coordination in Syntax. Cambridge University Press.

Slides available at http://literalmindedlinguistics.com/Whitman_LSA2010.ppt

21 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Categorial grammar: Categories Basic categories: NP, S, N, perhaps others Complex categories: A/B, B\A, for any categories A and B For example, the traditional category VP is represented as NP\S for English: It’s looking for an NP on its left, and the resulting phrase will be an S.

22 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Categorial grammar: E Rules a:  : A/Bb:  : B /E a+b:  (  ): A the:  : NP/Npizza: pizza´: N /E the pizza:  (pizza´): NP

23 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Categorial grammar: E Rules b:  : Ba:  : B\A \E b+a:  (  ): A Bigfoot: bf´: NP lives: live´: NP\S \E Bigfoot lives: live´(bf´): S

24 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Categorial grammar: I Rules : [e: x: B] : a+e:  : A /I a: x  : A/B

25 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Categorial grammar: I Rules John: j ´: NPlikes: like´: (NP\S)/NP [e: x: NP] /E likes+e: like´(x): NP\S \E John+likes+e: like´(x)( j ´) : S /I John+likes: x  like´(x)( j ´) : S/NP

26 Neal Whitman, LSA 2010 http://www.nealwhitman.com Categorial grammar: I Rules [e: x: B] : : e+a:  : A \I a: x  : B\A

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