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Deriving wide-scoping operators in an associative Lambek categorial grammar Neal Whitman LSA Conference, Baltimore January 7, 2010.

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Presentation on theme: "Deriving wide-scoping operators in an associative Lambek categorial grammar Neal Whitman LSA Conference, Baltimore January 7, 2010."— Presentation transcript:

1 Deriving wide-scoping operators in an associative Lambek categorial grammar Neal Whitman LSA Conference, Baltimore January 7, 2010

2 2 Neal Whitman, LSA Some troublesome coordinations [Ward can’t eat caviar] and [his guest get only beans]. (Siegel 1987) [They must have loosened the hooks] and [Mr. Cleaver didn’t notice it] [Have you tried everything] and [your back still hurts]? [Why am I working] and [you’re just sitting there]?

3 3 Neal Whitman, LSA Some more troublesome coordinations I would be lucky if [I only lost my allowance for six months] and [Papa and Mamma didn’t speak to me for a month] [Do you want to wash] and [I’ll dry]? [No one measures I.Q. points when you apply for a job] and [you are then paired with fellow employees who are of your mental ability] It was fun to run into someone who [wasn’t stodgy] and [thought at some point you should call it quits].

4 4 Neal Whitman, LSA Siegel (1987) To derive Ward can’t eat caviar and his guest get only beans: Coordinate tenseless clauses Ward eat caviar and his guest get only beans Use operation of Right Wrap to move can’t into its surface position. Problem: Analysis does not cover examples like 2-8, where the second conjunct has tense.

5 5 Neal Whitman, LSA Johnson (2000), Hulsey (2006) To derive Ward can’t eat caviar and his guest get only beans: Coordinate tensed clauses Ward can’t eat caviar and his guest can’t get only beans Across-the-Board movement moves can’t leftward Ward moves leftward again to produce surface order. Problem: Analysis does not cover examples like 2-8, where the second conjunct still has tense.

6 6 Neal Whitman, LSA A category for and and: (X\X)/Y specifiercomplement For our example: (S part \S part )/S fin Specifier conjunct and complement conjunct need not have same category.

7 7 Neal Whitman, LSA Deriving Why am I working and you’re just sitting there? Part 1 and: you’re just sitting there: p q  q  p  sit´(you´): (S part \S part )/S fin S fin /E and you’re just sitting there: q  q  sit´(you´)  S part \S part

8 8 Neal Whitman, LSA Deriving Why am I working and you’re just sitting there? Part 2 [e: x: NP] working: work´: NP\S part \E e working: work´(x): S part

9 9 Neal Whitman, LSA Deriving Why am I working and you’re just sitting there? Part 3 e working:and you’re just sitting there: work´(x): q  (q  sit´(you´)): S part S part \S part : \E e working and you’re just sitting there: work´(x)  sit´(you´): S part \I working and you’re just sitting there: x  work´(x)  sit´(you´)): NP\S part

10 10 Neal Whitman, LSA Deriving Why am I working and you’re just sitting there? Part 4 Why am I: working and you’re just sitting there: Q.why´(Q(i´)): Q.why´(Q(i´)): x  work´(x)  sit´(you´)): S wh /(NP\S part )NP\S part /E /E Why am I working and you’re just sitting there: why´(S wh why´(work´(i´)  sit´(you´)): S wh

11 11 Neal Whitman, LSA In short We freed and from having to coordinate like categories. 2. We coordinated the second conjunct, the tensed clause with a participial clause with a hypothesized subject. 4. Then we withdrew the hypothesized subject from the left edge of the coordinate structure and proceeded with the rest of the derivation.

12 12 Neal Whitman, LSA Categories for and for similar derivations [Ward can’t eat caviar] and [his guest get only beans]. (S base \S base )/S base [They must have loosened the hooks] and [Mr. Cleaver didn’t notice it]. (S base \S base )/S fin [Do you want to wash] and [I’ll dry]? (S inf \S inf )/S fin I would be lucky if [I only lost my allowance for six months] and [Papa and Mamma didn't speak to me for a month]. (S fin \S fin )/S fin [No one measures I.Q. points when you apply for a job] and [you are then paired with fellow employees who are of your mental ability]. (S fin \S fin )/S fin

13 13 Neal Whitman, LSA Deriving who wasn’t stodgy and wanted to quit Part 1 and: wanted to quit: P Q x  Q(x)  P(x)): y.want´(quit´(y))(y) (Adj\Adj)/VPVP /E and wanted to quit: Q x  Q(x)  want´(quit´(x))(x)  Adj\Adj

14 14 Neal Whitman, LSA Deriving who wasn’t stodgy and wanted to quit Part 2 stodgy : and wanted to quit: stodgy´ Q x  Q(x)  want´(quit´(x))(x)  AdjAdj\Adj \E stodgy and wanted to quit: x  stodgy´(x)  want´(quit´(x))(x)  Adj

15 15 Neal Whitman, LSA Deriving who wasn’t stodgy and wanted to quit Part 3 wasn’t:stodgy and wanted to quit: P y.¬P(y): x  stodgy´(x)  want´(quit´(x))(x)): VP/AdjAdj /E wasn’t stodgy and wanted to quit: y.¬(stodgy´(y)  want´(quit´(y))(y)  VP

16 16 Neal Whitman, LSA Other possibilities Some (but not all) relative clauses with resumptive pronouns: a guy who thinks he’s funny but he isn’t, but not a guy she likes but he doesn’t know she exists Some (but not all) ATB violations: the script he sat down and wrote, but not how many beers can you drink and not get drunk? Other kinds of non-parallel coordinations...

17 17 Neal Whitman, LSA Overgeneration To mention just a few... *Do you want to wash and will I dry? #He must have escaped and did they notice? #You must escape and they don’t see you. *She likes them [stodgy and wants-to-quit]. #I hope he wasn’t a jerk and everyone hated him.

18 18 Neal Whitman, LSA Conclusion Associative Lambek categorial grammar has wider coverage of wide-scoping operators than earlier analyses. The analysis may be extendable to cover ATB violations and other non-parallel coordinations. But restrictions are needed on what kinds of clauses and VPs can participate in wide- scoping phenomena.

19 19 Neal Whitman, LSA References Carpenter, Bob Type-Logical Semantics. MIT Press. Hulsey, Sarah Gapping in disjunctions. Ms, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Johannessen, Janne Bondi Coordination. Oxford University Press. Johnson, Kyle Few dogs eat Whiskas or cats Alpo. Issues in Semantics and its Interface; Kusumoto, Kiyomi, and Elisabeth Villalta, eds. University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers. Siegel, Muffy Compositionality, case, and the scope of auxiliaries. Linguistics and Philosophy Zhang, Niina Ning Coordination in Syntax. Cambridge University Press.

20 Slides available at

21 21 Neal Whitman, LSA Categorial grammar: Categories Basic categories: NP, S, N, perhaps others Complex categories: A/B, B\A, for any categories A and B For example, the traditional category VP is represented as NP\S for English: It’s looking for an NP on its left, and the resulting phrase will be an S.

22 22 Neal Whitman, LSA Categorial grammar: E Rules a:  : A/Bb:  : B /E a+b:  (  ): A the:  : NP/Npizza: pizza´: N /E the pizza:  (pizza´): NP

23 23 Neal Whitman, LSA Categorial grammar: E Rules b:  : Ba:  : B\A \E b+a:  (  ): A Bigfoot: bf´: NP lives: live´: NP\S \E Bigfoot lives: live´(bf´): S

24 24 Neal Whitman, LSA Categorial grammar: I Rules : [e: x: B] : a+e:  : A /I a: x  : A/B

25 25 Neal Whitman, LSA Categorial grammar: I Rules John: j ´: NPlikes: like´: (NP\S)/NP [e: x: NP] /E likes+e: like´(x): NP\S \E John+likes+e: like´(x)( j ´) : S /I John+likes: x  like´(x)( j ´) : S/NP

26 26 Neal Whitman, LSA Categorial grammar: I Rules [e: x: B] : : e+a:  : A \I a: x  : B\A


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