Syntax (LANE-334) Chapter 4 Processes King Abdulaziz University

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Syntax (LANE-334) Chapter 4 Processes King Abdulaziz University
Department of European Languages & Literature Syntax (LANE-334) Chapter 4 Processes Dr. Abdulrahman Alqurashi 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Introduction In Chapter 3, we have looked at the basic sentence patterns in English which are described by phrase structure rules such as: An example: Jane gave this book to Bill on Sunday. Phrase structure rules: S NP – VP NP {Det – N / N} VP V – NP - PP – PP [S [NP Jane] [ VP [V gave] [NP this book] [PP to Bill] [ PP on Sunday]]]. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Introduction e.g. Jane gave this book to Bill on Sunday.
The above example can have other different patterns such as : On Sunday Jane gave this book to Bill. This book was given to Bill (by Jane) on Sunday. It was Jane who gave this book to Bill on Sunday. Did Jane give this book to Bill on Sunday? What did Jane give to Bill on Sunday? To whom did Jane give this book on Sunday? The above patterns are formed by performing certain operations 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Introduction The following sentence patterns are formed by performing certain operations such as: On Sunday Jane gave this book to Bill. Fronting the Adjunct PP This book was given to Bill (by Jane) on Sunday. Passivising the sentence It was Jane who gave this book to Bill on Sunday. Clefting Did Jane give this book to Bill on Sunday? Forming a yes/No question What did Jane give to Bill on Sunday? Forming a wh-question 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Underlying / Deep structure
Introduction The basic sentence patterns are called underlying structure or deep structure e.g. Jane gave this book to Bill on Sunday. The derived sentences are called surface structure e.g. This book was given to Bill on Sunday. Underlying / Deep structure PROCESSES Surface structure 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Leftward movement : Questions formation:
Questions formation involves three transformational operations: Subject-Auxiliary Inversion: Basic sentence patterns (deep structure): e.g. I shall show you my drawings. e.g. John was sleeping when the phone rang. e.g. They would like to sing. yes/No question (surface structure): e.g. Shall I show you my drawings ? e.g. Was John sleeping when the phone rang? e.g. Would they like to sing? 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Questions formation Subject-Auxiliary Inversion:
Auxiliaries and modals are placed under T (Tense). S NP VP PRN T V NP NP I shall show PRN Det N you my drawings 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Questions formation Subject-Auxiliary Inversion: S NP VP shall
PRN T V NP NP I shall show PRN Det N you my drawings 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Questions formation Introducing interrogative CPs:
Auxiliaries and modals are moved from T (Tense) to C (complementizer) position which marks interrogative force. CP C S shall NP VP PRN T V NP NP I shall show PRN Det N you my drawings 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Questions formation Subject-Auxiliary Inversion: Deep structure S
NP VP PRN T V NP NP I shall show PRN Det N you my drawings Deep structure 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Questions formation Introducing interrogative CPs: Surface structure
C S NP VP PRN V NP NP PRN Det N Shall I show you my drawings? Surface structure 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Questions formation: Questions formation involves three transfromational operations: Do-insertion: (in case where the sentence has no auxiliary) Basic sentence patterns (deep structure): e.g. You like my drawings. e.g. John speaks English and French. yes/No question (surface structure): e.g. Do you like my drawings ? e.g. Does John speak English and French? DS: [S [NPYou] [VP like my drawings]] SS: [S [Do] [NP you] [VP like my drawings]]] 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Questions formation: Questions formation involves three transfromational operations: Wh-movement: Basic sentence patterns (deep structure): e.g. You read the newspaper everyday. e.g. John put the money in the safe. e.g. They arrived last night. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Questions formation: Questions formation involves three transfromational operations: Wh-movement: Basic sentence patterns (deep structure): e.g. You read what every day. e.g. John put the money where. e.g. They arrived when. Wh-question (surface structure): e.g. What do you read everyday ? e.g. Where does John put the money? e.g. When did they arrive? 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Questions formation Do-Insertion: S NP VP PRN T V NP AdvP
you do read what everyday 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Questions formation Head movement (movement of do from the head position T to the head position C): CP C S NP VP PRN T V NP AdvP do you do read what everyday 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Wh-questions formation
Wh-movement (movement of wh-words to the specifier position of CP (spec-CP). CP NP C S NP VP PRN T V NP AdvP what do you do read what everyday 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Wh-questions formation
After movement, a gap is left behind in the original position. DS: You read what everyday. SS: what do you read ___ everyday? The extracted wh-expression is called a filler because it fills the gap. Sometimes, an index is used to indicate movement: SS: what i doj you __ j read ___ i everyday? The extracted wh-expression is also called the binder or the wh-operator because it binds the element in the gap position. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Prepositional phrases in wh-questions
DS: You read [NP what ] everyday. SS: [NP what ] do you read [NP ___ ] everyday? The verb read is subcategorized as taking an NP as its complement which functions as a direct object. Now, what about a verb like e.g. gave? DS: John gave [NP the money ] [PP [P to ] [NP……] ] The verb gave is subcategorized as taking an NP and a PP as its complements. DS: John gave [NP the money ] [PP [P to ] [NP whom] ] SS: [PP To whom ] did John give the money [ PP ____ ]? SS: [NP whom ] did John give the money [PP [P to ][NP _____]]? 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Prepositional phrases in wh-questions
DS: John gave [NP the money ] [PP [P to ] [NP whom] ] SS: [PP To whom ] did John give the money [ PP ____ ]? SS: [NP whom ] did John give the money [PP [P to ][NP _____]]? In (1), Both the P and and the following NP are moved to the initial position. The wh-word trails the prepositions along with it. Therefore, the preposition is said to be pied-piped. In (2), only the NP (the wh-word) is moved to the initial position. The the prepositions is left behind. Therefore, the preposition is said to be stranded. Pied-piping is usually optional with PPs. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Wh-movement in Subjects
DS: [ S [NP John ] [VP died last night]] . DS: [ S [NP Who ] [VP died last night]] ? SS : Wh-movement in subjects apply vacuously. Subject- auxiliary inversion does not apply here. CP NP C S NP VP T V AdvP Who Ø who past die last night died 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Indirect yes/no questions
Consider the following examples: He said [ that the cat killed the rat ]. He asked [ if the cat killed the rat ]. He asked [whether the cat killed the rat ]. Did the cat kill the rat ? We have seen in chapter two that words like if and whether are complementizers like that and that they all occupy COMP position. The complementizers if and whether differ from that in that they are interrogative (they mark interrogative force) whereas that marks declarative force. (Declarative clause) (Interrogative clause) (interrogative clause) (Direct yes/no question ) 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Indirect yes/no questions
Indirect yes/no questions are not subject to Subject-auxiliary inversion. S NP VP PRN V CP C S They said that the cat killed the rat They asked if they can go home They asked whether they can go home 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Indirect wh-questions
Consider the following examples: DS: Mary wondered [CP [C] [S John [VP was doing] [NP what ]]]]. SS: Mary wondered [CP [Cwhat] [S John [VP was doing] [NP__ ]]]]. Indirect wh-questions are also not subject to Subject-auxiliary inversion. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Long wh-movement One of the most important features of human languages is that they allow unlimited number of embedded sentences inside each other. Consider the following: [S Mary wanted to see her sister] [S John said [CP that [S Mary wanted to see her sister ]]]f [S Bill thought [CP that [S John said [CP that [S Mary wanted to see her sister ] ] ] ] ] [S James realized [CP that [S Bill thought [CP that [S John said [CP that [S Mary wanted to see her sister ] ] ] ] ] ] ] 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Long wh-movement DS: [S James realized [CP that [S Bill thought [CP that [S John said [CP that [S Mary wanted to see [NP who] ] ] ] ] ] ] ]. SS: [CP who [C did [S James realized [CP who [Cthat [S Bill thought [CP who [Cthat [S John said [CP who [Cthat [S Mary wanted to see [NP who] ] ] ] ] ] ] ]. Wh-expression does not involve a direct movement from its original position to the initial position. In fact, it involves multiple movements with intermediate landing sites. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Relative clauses Relative clauses are introduced by wh-word such as:
e.g. the man whom John met e.g. the book which John wrote This wh-word is called a relative pronoun. Relative clauses are clauses (CPs) which modify nouns. e.g. [NP the man [CP whom i John met _ _ _ i ]] Types of relative clauses: Restrictive relative clauses Non-restrictive relative clauses Free relative clauses Adverbial relative clauses Reduced relative clauses. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Restrictive relative clauses
A restrictive relative clause is the one which provides information that is essential for the identification of the referent. e.g. [NP The man [CP whom i John met _ _ _ i ]] is a professor. Restrictive relative clauses involve wh-movement DD : [NP [Det the] [N man] [CP [S [ NP John] [ VP [ V met] [NP whom ] ]]]] SS : [NP [Det the [N man] [CP [NP whom ] [S [ NP John] [VP [ V met] [NP _ _whom _ _ ] ]]]] In the above relative clause, the modified noun [the man] is interpreted as the object of the verb inside the relative clause. Thus, it is known as object relativization. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Restrictive relative clauses
Range of relativization: subject relativization where the modified noun is interpreted as the subject of the verb inside the relative clause as shown below: DD : [NP [Det the] [N boy] [CP [S [ NP who] [ VP [ V broke][NP [Det the] [NP window ] ]]]]] SS : [NP [Det the [N boy] [CP [NP who ] [S [NP _ who _ ][VP [V broke] [NP [Det the ] [NP window ] ]]]]] Direct object relativization where the modified noun is interpreted as the direct object of the verb inside the relative clause as shown below: e.g. [NP the man [CP whom i John met _ _ _ i ]] 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Restrictive relative clauses
Range of relativization: Indirect object relativization where the modified noun is interpreted as the indirect object of the verb inside the relative clause as shown below: e.g. I saw [NP the man [CP whom i John gave _ _ _ i a book ]] Object of a preposition relativization where the modified noun is interpreted as the object of the preposition inside the relative clause like: e.g. I met [NP the man [CP whom i John talked to _ _ _ i ]] Possessor relativization where the modified noun is interpreted as the possessor. e.g. I met [NP the man [CP whose house I John bought _ _ _ i ]] 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Restrictive relative clauses
Pied piped Preposition : DD : [NP [Det the] [N man] [CP [S [ NP John] [ VP [ V talked] [PP [ P to] [ NP whom ] ] ] ] ]] SS : [NP [Det the [N man] [CP [PP [P to][NP whom ]] [S [ NP John] [VP [V talked] [PP[P to ][NP _ whom _ ] ] ] ] ]] Stranded Preposition: SS : [NP [Det the [N man] [CP [NP whom ] [S [ NP John][VP [V talked] [PP[P to ][NP _ whom _ ] ] ] ] ]] Pied-piping is usually optional with PPs. Sometimes, Pied-piping can be obligatory as shown below: e.g. I met [NP the man [CP whose house I John bought _ _ _ i ]] e.g. * I met [NP the man [CP whose I John bought _ _ _ i house ]] 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Restrictive relative clauses
Deletion of relative pronouns In restrictive relative clauses, deletion of the relative pronoun is possible as shown below: e.g. I saw [NP the man [CP Ø John met _ _ _ yesterday]]. e.g. I met [NP the man [CP Ø John talked to _ _ _ ]]. Deletion of the relative pronoun is NOT possible in certain cases such as: In subject relative clauses e.g. * I know [NP the boy [CP Ø broke the window_ _ _ ]] If the relative pronoun is preceded by a preposition e.g. * I know [NP the man [CP to Ø John talked _ _ _ ]] 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Non-restrictive relative clauses
A non-restrictive relative clause is the one which provides additional information about the referent. The referent (the modified noun) is not restricted here and it does not need further identification. Consider the difference between the following examples: Restrictive relatives: [NPThe man whom you met yesterday ] is a professor. Non-restrictive relatives: [ NP The dean of the college , whom you met yesterday, ] is a professor. [ NP Ahmad, who studies Physics, ] lives in Jeddah. Non-restrictive relative clauses can be deleted without affecting the meaning of the sentence. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Non-restrictive relative clauses
Non-restrictive relatives: [ NP The dean of the college , whom you met yesterday, ] is a professor. [ NP Ahmad, who studies Physics, ] lives in Jeddah. Proper nouns are always modified by non-restrictive relative clauses. Non-restrictive relative clauses are usually marked off (preceded and followed) by commas. In non-restrictive relative clauses, deletion of the relative pronoun is not possible. * [ NP Ahmad, Ø studies Physics, ] lives in Jeddah. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Free relative clauses Free relative clause are also called headless relative clauses because they do not have a head noun to modify. Consider the following: Ordinary relative clauses I bought [ NP the book which you like]. [ NP the man who broke the window] will be punished. Free relative clauses I bought [ NP what / wahtever you like]. [ NP who/ whoever broke the window] will be punished. Free relatives clauses can be analyized as having an empty head (NP) as shown below. [ NP Ø , who/ whoever broke the window] will be punished. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Adverbial relative clause are those which are introduced by wh-expressions like where, when, why. Consider the following: This is [ NP the city [ where I spent my youth ]]. I would like to know [ NP the time[ when he is going to come]]. I would like to know [ NP the reason [ why they came late ]]. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Reduced relative clauses
Reduced relative clause are non-finite clauses such as: [ NP the last man [ to talk to in such situation ]] is your father. I want [ NP a tool [ to fix the sink with ]]. We all want [ NP a decent place [ to live in ]]. [ NP the first train [ to leave the station ]] is the 6.00 for London . The above to-constructions serve as a post-modifiers. Reduce relative clauses can have other forms such as: [ NP All the guys [ invited by John ]] turned up. [ NP the guy [ wearing the hat ]] is my friend. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

that in relative clauses
The complementizer that can be used to introduce relative clause instead of wh-words as shown below: I saw [ NP the young boy [ that broke the window]] I want to buy [ NP the book [ that my sister likes]]. It is assumed in recent studies within transformational syntax that the complementizer that in that-relative clause is placed in C position and that there is a movement of null wh-operator to spec CP. DD : [NP [Det the] [N man] [CP [C that ] [S [ NP John] [ VP [ V met] [NP op ] ]]]] SS : [NP [Det the [N man] [CP [NP op ] [C that ] [S [ NP John] [VP [ V met] [NP _ _op _ _ ] ]]]] 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Wh-movement in Subjects
SS : NP There is a Wh-movement of a null wh-operator from inside the relative clause to spec-CP. NP CP NP C S NP VP T V NP the man op that John PAST met op 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Appositive clauses Appositive clauses look like that-relative clauses but they are not relative clauses: Consider the following examples: Appositive clauses: [ NP the news [ that John left his wife ]] came as a shock to us all. [ NP the rumour [ that Mary is pregnant]] annoyed her very much. Ordinary relative clauses [ NP the news [ that John told his wife]] gave her a shock. [ NP the rumour [ that Mary spread in the class]] was terrible. In (1) and (2), we can not replace that with which because they are not relative clauses The presence of that is obligatory in (1) and (2) but not in (3) and (4) 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Appositive clauses Appositive clauses:
[ NP the news [ that John left his wife ]] came as a shock to us all. [ NP the rumour [ that Mary is pregnant]] annoyed her very much. Ordinary relative clauses [ NP the news [CP opi that John told his wife ___ i ]] gave her a shock. [ NP the rumour [CP opi that Mary spread ___ i in the class]] was terrible. In (3) and (4), there is a gap inside the relative clause because there is a null operator movement to spec CP. In (1) and (2), there is no gap inside the clause because there is no null operator movement to spec CP. 2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334

Thank you See you next time.
2014 KAU-Syntax/ LANE-334