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Faculty of Arts University of Groningen THE GRAMMATICALIZATION OF ADVERBS two case studies Muriel Norde.

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Presentation on theme: "Faculty of Arts University of Groningen THE GRAMMATICALIZATION OF ADVERBS two case studies Muriel Norde."— Presentation transcript:

1 Faculty of Arts University of Groningen THE GRAMMATICALIZATION OF ADVERBS two case studies Muriel Norde

2 2Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 OUTLINE Preliminaries –the category of adverbs –grammaticalization vs. lexicalization Case studies –epistemic adverbs –Dutch intensifying tig Theoretical discussion

3 3Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 THE CATEGORY OF ADVERBS Open or closed class? Talmy 2000: only N, V and Adj form open classes Ramat & Ricca 1998: range from relatively open (fortunately) to relatively closed class (monomorphemic advs such as now, just) Brinton & Traugott 2005: no clear binary distinction between lexical / major / open classes on the one hand and grammatical / minor / closed classes on the other. “Lexical” and “grammatical items form a continuum.

4 4Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 GRAMMATICALIZATION “Grammaticalization consists in the increase of the range of a morpheme advancing from a lexical to a grammatical or from a less grammatical to a more grammatical status.” (Kuryłowicz 1975 [1965] “[…] an evolution whereby linguistic units lose in semantic complexity, pragmatic significance, syntactic freedom, and phonetic substance […]”(Heine & Reh 1984) “A grammaticalization is a diachronic change by which the parts of a constructional schema come to have stronger internal dependencies” (Haspelmath 2004) taken litterally: ‘having become grammatical’

5 5Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 DEGRAMMATICALIZATION Based on: the cline of grammaticality content item > grammatical word > clitic > inflectional affix Single shift from right to left Constructional identity is preserved Main mechanisms involved: –reanalysis –resemanticization –decreased bondedness –recategorialization –phonetic strengthening

6 6Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 LEXICALIZATION “recruitment of linguistic material to enrich the lexicon” (Hopper & Traugott 1993) “today’s grammar may become tomorrow’s lexicon” (Ramat 1992) Dependent on one’s definition of lexicon Definition adopted here: Brinton & Traugott 2005 “[…] the view that the lexicon does not exist solely of a list of discrete and fully fixed items but represents a continuum from more to less fixed, from more to less fully conventionalized, and from more to less productive items. […] the continuum models of the lexical / grammatical split and of the lexicon fit better with the historical facts of change, which is often (though not always) gradual in the sense that change occurs by very small steps. Contra GL conception of grammatical categories as discrete entities

7 7Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 SUBTYPES OF LEXICALIZATION Function words –Pros en cons –[Shaved her legs and then] he was a she (L. Reed) Suffixes –ologies (object of study, cf, sociology) –isms (ideology, cf. communism) phrases –forget-me-not –has-been –no-show acronyms –sms’es –nimby

8 8Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 LEXICALIZATION “vs” GRAMMATICALIZATION Lehmann 2002: e.g. transition N > P is first and foremost a case of lexicalization with subsequent grammaticalization Antilla 1989: grammaticalization involves lexicalization (e.g. by adding P’s to the lexicon) Sum: lexicalization is concomitant with, but neither congruent with nor opposite to grammaticalization

9 9Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 LEXICALIZATION “vs” DEGRAMMATICALIZATION Ramat 1992: lexicalization = degrammaticalization What is meant is: lexicalization of affixes (isms etc.) However: this is just one type of lexicalization Sum: lexicalization is concomitant, but not synonymous, with degrammaticalization

10 10Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 CASE STUDY 1 Epistemic adverbs deriving from ‘may / can be / happen

11 11Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 ‘MAYBE’ IN SCANDINAVIAN Swedish kanske < ‘can happen’ Swedish måhända < ‘may happen’ Norwegian kanskje < ‘can happen’ Danish måske < ‘may happen’

12 12Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 ‘MAYBE’ IN OTHER LANGUAGES English maybe Dutch misschien (< ‘may happen’) French peut-être Russian možet (byt’) < ‘may (be)’ Serbian – Croatian možda < ‘may that’ Polish może < ‘may’ Lithuanian gal(būt) < ‘may (be’)

13 13Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 TYPICAL FEATURES OF SWEDISH KANSKE prosodically a compound, not a phrase However: phrase-like properties may be followed by a subordinate clause: Kanske att hon sover Maybe that she sleeps may violate Swedish V2-rule

14 14Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 SWEDISH AS A V2 LANGUAGE Viäteralltidlunchkl. 12 Weeatalwayslunch12 o’clock Alltidätervilunchkl. 12 Alwayseatwelunch12 o’clock Kl. 12ätervialltidlunch 12 o’clockeatwealwayslunch Lunchätervialltidkl. 12 Luncheatwealways12 o´clock

15 15Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 WORD ORDER WITH KANSKE HanharKANSKEinteätit Hehasmaybenoteaten KANSKEharhaninteätit Maybehashenoteaten KANSKEhaninteharätit Maybehenothaseaten HanKANSKEinteharätit Hemaybenothaseaten

16 16Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 WHAT HAPPENED? Source: MLG mach-schên ‘may happen’ -> loan word maxan (now obsolete) -> loan translations kanske, måhända, kanhända

17 17Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 KAN SKE AS A PHRASE thet kan wel skee at en liten hoop offuerwinner en storan ‘It may well happen that a small lott conquers a large (lot)’ thz kunde honom ekke ske ‘That could not happen to him’

18 18Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 SUMMARY: CHANGES INVOLVED Phonetic reduction Semantic bleaching Univerbation Decategorialization Layering (phrase-like properties) Subjectification (from sentence subject to utterance subject) Tentative conclusion: grammaticalization but: Ramat 2001: lexicalization (MN: lexicalization is not a competing term)

19 19Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 CASE STUDY 2 Dutch tig from suffix to numeral to intensifier

20 20Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 ETYMOLOGY PGmc *teXu- ‘unit of 10’ > Suffix –tig (engl. -ty, germ. –zig, fris. –tich, sw. –tio) > Indefinite numeral: tig keer ‘umpteen times’ > Intensifying adverb: tig leuk ‘very nice’

21 21Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 Change 1: TIG AS AN INDEFINITE NUMERAL Dutch Die kerel heeft al tig vriendinnen gehad Frisian Dy keardel hat al tich freondinnen hân German Der Kerl hat schon zig Freundinnen gehabt ‘That guy has already had dozens of girlfriends’ meaning: ‘umpteen, dozens, zillion’

22 22Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 ORDINAL TIGSTE Dutch Je vraagt dat nu al voor de tigste keer! Frisian Do fregest da no al foar de tichste kear! German Du fragst das jetzt schon zum zigsten Mal! ‘You are asking that for the zillionth time already!’

23 23Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 WHY DEGRAMMATICALIZATION? decreased bondedness :  –bound > free –independent usage: ik heb er wel tig ‘I’ve got dozens of them’ resemanticization :  –-tig: ‘x10’, only when combined with numeral stem –tig ‘indefinite, large quantity’ Subjectification :  (!!) : recategorialization  –ordinal inflection tigste phonetic strengthening:  (Du/Fri) –-tig: [təx] –tig: [tιx] (possibly spelling pronunciation)

24 24Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 WHY NOT MERELY LEXICALIZATION? Lexicalization of numeral suffixes: –Engl.: Girls in their teens ‘aged 13-19’ –It.: Ha passato gli anta ‘he is over forty’ –< quaranta, cinquanta Isms, teens: hyperonyms –all ideologies ending in –ism –all ages ending in –teen Lexicalization: one giant leap from affix to lexical element Tig: does not mean ‘any quantity between 20 and 90’ Tig: gradual change

25 25Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 ALTERNATIVE ANALYSES Haspelmath 2004: back formation, -tig is part of compound –  twin- and der- are not independent morphemes Lehmann 2005: *teguz ‘unit of 10’ > numeral tig, leadning a hidden life in spoken language, “non- demonstrability of non-existence” –  : Taboo word? –  : No evidence at all, in spite of 1000 years of written sources?? –  WNT 1960: no tig –  Grimm 1956: zig “in jüngster Zeit” (example from 1935)

26 26Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 Change 2: DUTCHTIG AS INTENSIFIER Het is nu al tig laat ‘It is now already very late’ tig veel antwoorduh ‘Very many answers’ Shoarma is toch tig lekkerder ‘Shawarma is however much more tasty’

27 27Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 GERMAN ZIG AS INTENSIFIER Ich hab diesen Film schon zig oft gesehen ‘I have seen this film very often already’ zig viel Geld ‘a whole lot of money’

28 28Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 DEGREES ClassGradeExample Iabsoluteabsolutely IIapproximativealmost IIIextremely highextremely IVhighvery Vmoderaterather VIminimalsomewhat VIIquasinegativelittle VIIInegativenot

29 29Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 SUSPENSION TESTS ClassExampleCan be suspended by Example II’m absolutely sure-- IIII’m almost ready, if not completely ready IIIShe’s unbelievably rich -- IVIIIShe’s very rich, if not unbelievably rich VIV or IIIShe is rather happy, maybe even very happy / extremely happy

30 30Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 RESULT OF SUSPENSION TEST ?Het is al tig laat, om niet te zeggen heel laat. (class V) ‘It is already quite late, if not very late’ Het is al tig laat, om niet te zeggen ontzettend laat (class IV) ‘It is already very late, if not awfully late’ Het is al tig laat (class III) ‘It is already awfully late’

31 31Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 SOURCES OF INTENSIFIERS Heine / Kuteva 2002: –‘terrible’ and other qualitative adjectives terribly ugly / beautiful vreselijk lelijk / mooi furchtbar hässlich / schön terriblement laide / belle hemskt ful / vacker –‘true’ very ugly / beautiful (< Older French verray) richtig hässlich / schön

32 32Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 MORE SOURCES “Superlatives” –extremely extremely ugly / beautiful extreem lelijk / mooi ausserordentlich hässlich / schön –madly madly in love waanzinnig verliefd vansinnigt förälskad ‘Much’ (sometimes with comparatives only) –much better (OE: moche worthy) –veel beter –mycket bättre, mycket bra

33 33Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 INTENSIFYINGTIG No cross-linguistic equivalents Not comparable to much –much is used with mass nouns: much work –tig is used with count nouns: tig mensen / *tig werk

34 34Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 WHAT HAPPENED? Bridging context (Heine 2002): Er zijn tig betere systemen te koop 1: ‘There are dozens of better systems for sale’ (numeral) 2: ‘There are much better systems for sale’ (adverb)

35 35Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 WHY GRAMMATICALIZATION? Semantic bleaching:  –meaning becomes more abstract, functions merely to intensify the meaning of the following adjective or adverb Decategorialization:  –can no longer be inflected as an ordinal numeral (as could the indefinite numeral tig) Phonetic reduction: - (no change) Less syntactic freedom:  –can no longer be used independently Context expansion:  (from comparatives to simple Adjs)

36 36Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 OTHERS ON DEGREE ADVERBS Klein 1998: only degree adverbs deriving from qualitative adjectives (terribly) are instances of gz, because they involve semantic “bleaching” –She is terribly mean –She is terribly beautiful (bleaching) Brinton & Traugott 2005: all degree adverbs deriving from other adverbs are instances of gz

37 37Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 IMPLICATIONS FOR UNIDIRECTIONALITY From suffix to indefinite numeral: “counterdirectional” change Degrammaticalized elements can (re)grammaticalize Crucially however, they do not return to the old stage of affairs

38 38Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 CONCLUDING REMARKS Lexicalization does not compete with either grammaticalization or degrammaticalization The present terminology cannot capture the changes involved in the rise of adverbs Crucially, the mechanisms which are assumed to be defining properties of grammaticalization need to be re- evaluated –In particular, this is true for pragmatic inferencing, subjectification and scope changes Besides addressing clear-cut cases (the French inflectional future  ) attention ought to be paid to changes in the “grey area”

39 39Colloque Fribourg 03-10-2006 THANK YOU This presentation will soon be downloadable from:

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