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1 Tobias Scheer Université de Nice – Sophia Antipolis, CNRS 6039 Branching Onsets in the light of Sardinian metathesis and diachronic lenition in French.

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Presentation on theme: "1 Tobias Scheer Université de Nice – Sophia Antipolis, CNRS 6039 Branching Onsets in the light of Sardinian metathesis and diachronic lenition in French."— Presentation transcript:

1 1 Tobias Scheer Université de Nice – Sophia Antipolis, CNRS 6039 Branching Onsets in the light of Sardinian metathesis and diachronic lenition in French 41st Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages Ottawa, May 5-7, 2011

2 2 CVCVC V ||| | CTR V Lic in strong position C__V <== IG Gvt purpose of the talk: to convince you that this is the identity of muta cum liquida (a branching onset) CVCVC V |||| | CVTR V Lic in weak position V__V <== IG Gvt

3 3 three phenomena are examined lenition of muta cum liquida (Celtic, Latin > Italian, Gorgia Toscana) Latin > French Gallo-Romance: ALF (French, Occitan, Franco-Provençal) compensatory lengthening within (sic) a muta cum liquida: lat. latroone > fr. laRRon metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian: /dormendu/ dromendu introduction to the theory: the Coda Mirror and (syntactic) locality (Relativized Minimality) roadmap

4 4 The Strong Position in Phonology the Strong Position (in Romance and elsewhere, Ségéral & Scheer 2001, 2008) - {#,C}__ = Strong Position: PORTA > porte TALPA > taupe - V__V = weak position A: FABA > fève - __{#,C} = weak position B (Coda): LUP(U) > l[u] RUPTA > route the mirror effect: {#,C}__ vs. __{#,C} are symmetric - with respect to their position: mirror image - with respect to their effect: strength vs. weakness

5 5 relevant consonants: the word-initial consonant the consonant that occurs after a coda the initial CV = # represents the morphological information « beginning of the word » analysis in CVCV (Lowenstamm 1996, Scheer 2004) The Coda Mirror: Government & Licensing initial consonant #__post-Coda consonant C.__ CV-CV……VCVCV… |||||| CVVRTV # Gvt Government inhibits the segmental expression of its target empty nuclei must be governed Lic Licensing promotes the segmental expression of its target P O RTA T A L P A consonants in Strong Position occur after an empty nucleus ø __ consonants in Strong Position are licensed but ungoverned

6 6 The Coda Mirror: Government & Licensing intervocalic position V__V CVCV ||| VCV Gvt Lic F A B A internal coda __.Cfinal coda __# …VCVCV...VCV # |||||| VRTVVC R U P T A L U P (U) intervocalic V__V: the consonant is not adjacent to any empty nucleus licencensed and governed in coda position: the consonant occurs before an empty nucleus: __ø is neither licensed nor governed Lic Gvt Lic Gvt

7 7 summary Strong Position= {#,C}__= ø__ = strength = ungoverned but licensed Coda= __{#,C}= __ ø = weak A= ungoverned and unlicensed intervocalic= V__V= V__V= weak B= governed and licensed The Coda Mirror: Government & Licensing

8 8 CVCVC V ||| | CTR V worse than making a wrong prediction: Gvt Lic branching onset <== IG the liquid R: licensed, but ungoverned ==> strong position making NO prediction at all branching onsets in CVCV what a branching Onset looks like (after a consonant) the solidarity of the cluster is due to a relationship that is contracted by the (melodies of) the two consonants: IG (Infrasegmental Government) the obstruent T: target of neither Gvt nor Lic ==> ??

9 9 Locality in Syntax Relativized Minimality, Rizzi (1990) given two classes of items A and B, a relation between A 1 et A 2 is local iff no other A intervenes

10 10 Locality in Syntax three major classes of items in syntax: - verbs (heads) - arguments (A position) - quantifiers (A position) Could i John __ i have come ? head argument head John could have come argument head John could have come Have i John could __ i come ? head *

11 11 CVCVC V ||| | CTR V a branching onset is a non-local structure: - major classes of items in phonology are: onset and nucleus - an internuclear relation exists whereby a third nucleus intervenes. Gvt Lic branching onset <== IG A M P L U S Locality in Syntax

12 12 The trouble: summary prediction made 2. violation of locality

13 13 CVCVC V ||| | CTR V Gvt Lic branching onset <== IG the intervening nucleus is the source of government Gvt instead of having a non-local government relation The cure: making branching onsets local it is entitled to govern because it is not itself governed: it is unpronounced for a different reason (IG) consequence: the definition of what a good governor is owes nothing to phonetics before: only nuclei with phonetic content can govern now: a nucleus can govern iff it is not governed itself

14 14 CVC VC V ||| | CTR V Lic TR in Strong Position <== in case the TR is in intervocalic position, the T will also be in intervocalic position (licensed and governed) when the TR is preceded by an empty nucleus (Strong Position), the T will also be in Strong Position (licensed but ungoverned) Gvt CVC VC V |||| | CVTR V TR in intervocalic positon <== Lic Gvt local branching onsets: predictions

15 15 in other words: given a branching onset TR, T behaves like if R were not there hence the following prediction: the T of a TR group behaves exactly like a simplex T -if the TR group is in Strong Position, T will be strong -if the TR group is in intervocalic position, T will be intervocalic local branching onsets: predictions

16 16 testing the prediction typologically speaking, branching onsets are rare even rarer are languages that allow to test the reaction of TRs on lenition we examine 5 cases: - voicing in Latin > Northern Italian dialects - Celtic (in its prehistory) - Gorgia Toscana - French diachrony - Gallo-Romance dialects as witnessed by the ALF (Atlas Linguistique de la France) ==> the empirical situation largely understudied

17 17 testing the prediction in each case, T behaves alike in V.TRV = V.TV C.TRV = C.TV

18 18 Grande Grammaire Historique du Français (GGHF) éd. Christiane Marchello-Nizia Bernard Combettes Sophie Prévost Tobias Scheer env pages projet en cours livraison prévue vers

19 19 test case 1: Northern Italian dialects (lomb., lig., venez. etc.) e.g. Rohlfs (1966:§260) "I gruppi cr, tr, pr. In questi gruppi la consonante occlusiva viene trattata esattemente come se si trovasse in posizione intervocalica." TTR p>vsaperesaveraprileavrilto know (lomb.), April (venez.) riparivacaprachevrariver bank, goat (bol.) t>drotarodalutralodrawheel, otter (venez.) lavatalavada*anitraanadrawashed, duck (venez.) k>gamicaamigamacromagrofriend, mince (venez.) ficufigulacrumalegrumafigue (lig.), tear (bol.)

20 20 test case 2: Celtic the classical scenario assumes 3 stages (e.g. McCone 1996) stage 1: IE b,d,g > v,,ɣ / V__V et V__RV 1.V__V IEProto-CelticOld Irishglose bkladibos*kla ivoskla i əvépée dkladibos*kla ivoskla i əvépée gtegos*teɣost i eɣmaison 2. V__RV bdubro-*duvro-dovəreau dwidwa:*wi wa:f i e vveuve gwegros*weɣrosfe:rherbe 3. but resistance in Strong Position {#,C}__ and in gemination N__*windosf i indblanc #__, gém*buggosbogmou

21 21 test case 2: Celtic stage 2: as stage 1, but now also across word boundaries 1.V__V Insular Celtic Proto-IrishOld Irishglose t*ehja teɣah*eja eɣaə i eɣsa maison k*inda: kloka:*inda: lo a:iŋ lo la pierre 2. V__RV t*bre:tra:*bre: rəbr i ia ərmot k*dakra*dæ rədie:rlarme 3. but resistance in Strong Position {#,C}__ and in gemination R__*eisko-*eiskiaskpoisson gém*mak w k w os*mak w k w ahmakgarçon stage 3: t,k >, / V__V and V__RV (there is no p)

22 22 test case 3: Gorgia Toscana Castellani (1960), Giannelli & Savoia (1978, 1979), Marotta ( , 2008) 1.V__V Stand. It.Tuscanglose papɛrtoaɸɛrtoouvert tlaatolaaθocôté kbruukobruuxo, bruuho, bruuoworm 2. V__RV pla piegala ɸjɛɛɣale pli tliitroliiθrolitre kla krɛɛmala xɾɛɛma, la hrɛɛma la crème 3. but resistance in Strong Position {#,C}__ and in gemination R__pɔrtapɔrtaporte #__pjɛɛdepjɛɛ epied gém.gattogattochat p,b,t,d,k,g > ɸ,β,θ,,x/h/ø,ɣ / V__(R)V

23 23 test case 4: French only labials and dentals are examined – the situation of velars is complicated by palatalizations (Bourciez 1967 etc.) #__Coda__V__V pr pl prunaprune plenuplein comprend(e)recomprendre purp(u)rapourpre amplusample *temp(u)latemple caprachèvre pip(e)repoivre dupludouble cap(u)luafr chable br bl brachiubras *blastimareblâmer umbraombre arb(o)rearbre germ *blādafr emblaver umb(i)licusafr umblil labralèvre rob(o)rerouvre fab(u)lafable labials in TR groups #__Coda__V__V pportaportetalpatauperiparive bbenebienherbaherbefabafève simplex Labials p p p p b b b b v v v v

24 24 #__Coda__V__V trtrestrois tractaretraiter capistru chevêtre alt(e)ru autre petrapierre it(e)rareerrer drdrappudrap *dras(i)cdrêche perd(e)re perdre quadratu carré rid(e)re rire dentals in TR groups #__Coda__V__V ttelatoilecantarechantervitavie ddentedentardoreardeurcodaqueue simplex dentals t t t dd ø d t d ø ø ø test case 4: French

25 25 test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) ALF Atlas Linguistique de la France Gilléron, Jules, and Édmond Édmont Atlas linguistique de la France. Paris: Champion, 9 vol., supplément based on fieldwork , 639 points of inquiry. this part of the talk is joint work with Guylaine Brun-Trigaud

26 26 test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) prediction in a dialectal system T alone and T in a TR cluster behave alike in every given system (dialect) examination of labials in intervocalic position dentals are inconclusive for independent reasons (desolidarisation, see next slide), velars are blurred by palatalisations. hence for each obstruent and each position, the isoglosses of T alone and T in a TR cluster are identical. ==> not exactly a trivial or intuitive prediction ==> a prediction about 639 systems at the same time

27 27 test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) goal: comparison of -P- with -PR- -B- with -BR- variation and its interpretation: only actual branching onsets (solidary TR groups) are an input for the comparison. Hence non-solidary groups are counted out: coda vocalisation betrays desolidarisation: V.TRV > VT.RV (grey-shaded on the maps below) example: solidary TR group: FEBREM > fièvre, TAB(U)LA > table non-solidary TR group: FEBREM > fewre, TAB(U)LA > tole

28 28 -B- ABANTIARE> avancer ABOCULUS> aveugle FABA> fève HIBERNU> hiver -BR- (primary) FEBREM> fièvre -BR- (secondary) BIB(E)RE> boire SCRIB(E)RE> écrire -BL- (primary) OBLITARE> oublier -BL- (secondary) SAB(U)LU> sable DIAB(U)LU> diable STAB(U)LA> étable syntheses lexical basis ALF level 0 BL 0 BR 0 B 0 level 1 BR 1 BL 1 B 1 level 2 BR 2 B 2 ? -B- vs. -BR- test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)

29 29 -P- CREPANT> crèvent NEPOTE> neveu *ARRIPARE> arriver TROPARE> trouver LUPA> louve SAPONE> savon SAPA> sève -PR- (primary) APRILE> avril -PR- (secondary) PIP(E)R> poivre LEP(O)RE> lièvre OP(E)RARIU> ouvrier -PL- (primary) DUPLU> double -PL- (secondary) CAP(U)LU> câble syntheses lexical basis ALF level 0 PL 0 PR 0 P 0 level 1 PR 1 PL 1 P 1 level 2 PR 2 P 2 ? -P- vs. -PR- test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)

30 30 -P- alone intervocalic

31 31 -P- in an intervocalic TR group

32 32 superposition: intervocalic -P- alone and in a group poitevin Croissant

33 33 test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) Croissant -P- alone spirantizes (-P- > -v-), but remains a stop in -PR- (> -br-). 8 points of inquiry (5035, 600, 601, 800, 802, 803) well-known zone of transition (Croissant).

34 34 test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) poitevin opposite pattern: P in PR spirantizes (> vr), but lexical variation is observed for isolated P (> b, v) (which however always voices) 24 points of inquiry (429, 448, 459, 479, , 515, 517, 518, 521, 525, , 533, 535, 536, 540, 621, 630, 632) since PR always spirantizes, a fricative output is also expected for P. lexical basis ALF: 7 words unexpected non-spirantization concerns only two words two contravening words: LOPA > loube, SAPONE > sabon LOPA: contravening in 19 out of 24 points, SAPONE in 17 out of 24. The five other words are well-behaved in all 24 points. ==> lexical inconsistency points to contact, rather than to regular evolution.

35 35 -B- alone intervocalic

36 36 -B- in an intervocalic TR group

37 37 superposition: intervocalic -B- alone and in a group provençal

38 38 test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF) provençal - there are no *vl, *vr at all - hence -BL-, -BR- could not produce *vr, *vl (cf. *vl in oïl)

39 39 compensatory lengthening TR > RR in French, lat. tr,dr (primary and secondary) lose their dental with eventually ensuing compensatory lengthening of the r. Fouché ( :719ff) etc. > r> rr trprimairepatreafr. pere petraafr. pierre secondaire 3sg it(e)ratafr. eireit(e)raareafr. errer drprimaire ––quadratuafr. carré secondaire *riid(e)reafr. rirefut.3sg *riid(e)rátafr. rirra

40 40 compensatory lengthening TR > RR three factors monophthongs vs. diphthongs light (ie, ue) vs. heavy (ei, ai) diphthongs stress for monophthong

41 41 compensatory lengthening TR > RR Latin vowel length is irrelevant > r> rr lat. VV__trmaatreafr. mere*buut(y)raareafr. burrer drcreed(e)reafr. creirefut.3sg *creed(e)rátafr. crerra lat. V__trpatreafr. perelatrooneafr. larron dr––quadratuafr. carré

42 42 compensatory lengthening TR > RR only Gallo-Romance vowel length matters G-R length is stress: tonic vowels (in open syllables) are long unstressed vowels are short > r> rr g-rom VV__ (= tonique) trbút(y)ruafr. bure pátreafr. pere drcréed(e)reafr. creire g-rom V__ (= atone) tr*buut(y)ráareafr. burrer latrooneafr. larron drfut.3sg *creed(e)rát afr. crerra quadratuafr. carré

43 43 compensatory lengthening TR > RR (Gallo-Romance) stress does not matter for diphtongs heavy diphthongs always prohibit gemination light diphthongs always provoke gemination (but are also always tonic) ==> heavy diphthongs are inherently long ==> light diphthongs are inherently short afr.évolution en position libre diphtongue lourde toniqueai–– ei vitruafr. veire atoneai*mat(e)riameafr. mairien diphtongue légère toniqueie petraafr. pierre ue frk. *looþrafr. luerre (>leurre) atone––

44 44 compensatory lengthening TR > RR 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ g-rom lat. monopht. tonique < VV tonique ii3sg consiid(e)ratafr. cossireuubuut(y)ruafr. bure ii3sg desiid(e)ratafr. desireaafraatreafr. frere ii*riid(e)reafr. rireaamaatreafr. mere iiocciid(e)reafr. ocireaaimperaatorafr. emperere < V tonique iarbitriuafr. arvoirealatro (cas sujet de latroone) afr. lere e*petr(i)caafr. piergeapatreafr. pere ulutraafr. leure oo < auauclaud(e)reafr. cloreauexclaud(e)reafr. esclore auLovolautrumVollore dipht. lourde eii3sg it(e)ratafr. eireivitruafr. veire itonítru ( r / VV__

45 45 compensatory lengthening TR > RR 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ 2. tr,dr > rr / V__ g-romlat. dipht. légèreieehed(e)raafr. ierreePetruafr. Pierre epetraafr. pierre ueoofrk. foodreafr. fuerreoAltiod(u)ruafr. Auçuerre (>Auxerre) oofrk. *looþrafr. luerreoNemelod(u)ruafr. Nantuerre oTonod(u)ruafr. Tonuerre monopht. atone < VViifut.3sg *occiid(e)rát afr. ocirraaamaatriinamarraine iifut.3sg *riid(e)rátafr. rirrauu*buut(y)raareafr. burrer eefut.3sg *creed(e)rát afr. crerrauu*buut(y)rariuafr. burrier oo < auaufut.3sg *claud(e)rát afr. clorraaufut.3sg *aud(i)rátafr. orra aufut.3sg *gaud(i)rát (*gaudiire, lat. gaudeere) afr. jorra

46 46 compensatory lengthening TR > RR 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ 2. tr,dr > rr / V__ (choice of relevant data for < V unstressed) monopht. atone < Vi*Bit(u)riiguafr. Berria*matriculaareafr. mareillier iit(e)raareafr. errera*matriinaafr. marrine, marraine ifut.3sg *vid(e)rátafr. verraaquadratuafr. carré ivitrariuafr. verrierapatriinuafr. parrin, parrain ivitriinuafr. verrina*quadrelluafr. carrel e*petrariuafr. perriera*quadrifurcuafr. carreforc e*petrooneafr. perronaquadruviuafr. carrouge e*petrosiiliuafr. perresila*quadrariucarrier ePetriciacuafr. Perrecia*quatriniooneafr. carregnon (>carillon) efut.3sg *sed(e)rátafr. serraa*adripaarearriver

47 47 compensatory lengthening TR > RR 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ alternations within verbal paradigms V tonique__ > rV atone__ > rr *riid(e)reafr. rirefut.3sg *riid(e)rátafr. rirra 3sg it(e)ratafr. eireit(e)raareafr. errer creed(e)reafr. creirefut.3sg *creed(e)rátafr. crerra occiid(e)reafr. ocirefut.3sg *occiid(e)rátafr. ocirra buut(y)ruafr. bure*buut(y)raareafr. burrer *buut(y)rariuafr. burrier

48 48 compensatory lengthening TR > RR 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ generalization tr,dr > r / VV__ tr,dr > rr / V__ ==> *VVC.CV superheavy rhymes are forbidden ==> this much we knew anyway

49 49 compensatory lengthening TR > RR 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ *VVC.CV this much we knew anyway: this is why there is a contrast between the evolution of vowels in open and closed syllables stress is converted into length, but long vowels can only exist in open syllables ==> Vstr.CV VV.CV vs. VstrC.CV VC.CV latopclopen syllableclosed syllble aeamaremercartacharte i,eeoiepirapoirevirgaverge eieeferufierherbaherbe oeuomolameuleportaporte u,ooeuufloorefleursurdusourd

50 50 compensatory lengthening TR > RR 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ compensatory lengthening how can an onset-x slot become a coda ? worse: a non-moraic consonant become moraic?

51 51 compensatory lengthening TR > RR 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ if the solidarity of TR is due to " <== ", the breakdown of this relationship due to the elimination of T sets an full CV unit free, which is ready for segmental identification. ==> compensatory lengthening.

52 52 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ generalities there are many metatheses in Sardinian (Molinu 1998, Bolognesi 1998) not all metatheses need to have the same workings focus on one particular case found in Tertenia (point 211 of Contini 1987) there is no lateral in coda position at all in the language data and analysis below are by Rosangela Lai, who is a native speaker of Tertenia Sardinian.

53 53 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ split between native and foreign vocabulary: only native items have the phonology that is of interest to us nativeforeign p /paris pappendu/ "you seem eating" a) [párizi βappéndu] b) [páris pappéndu] p /tenis puntʃas/ "you have (some) nails" (cat. punxa) a) [ténizi βúntʃaza] b) [ténis púntʃaza] b /paris bazendu/ "you seem kissing" a) [párizi azéndu] b) [párir βazéndu] b /paris bivendu/ "you seem living" (sp. vivir) a) [párizi bivéndu] b) [párir bivéndu]

54 54 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ nativeforeign t /tenis tempus/ "you have time" a) [ténizi ðémpuzu] b) [ténis témpuzu] t /tenis tamatta/ "you have tomatoes" (cat. tomata) a) [ténizi ðamátta] b) [ténis tamátta] d /portas dentis/ "you have teeth" a) [pórtaza éntizi] b) [pórtar ðéntizi] d /tenis diziʎʎu/ "you wish sth" (cat. desig) a) [ténizi dizíʎʎu] b) [ténir dizíʎʎu] k /paris kastiendu/ "you seem to be looking" a) [párizi ɣastiéndu] b) [páris kastiéndu] k /tenis kuʎʎera/ "you have a spoon" (cat. cullera) a) [ténizi ɣuʎʎéra] b) [ténis kuʎʎéra] g /portas ɡunneɖɖa/ "you are wearing a skirt" a) [portaza unnéɖɖa] b) [portar ɣunnéɖɖa] g /tenis ɡana/ "you feel like doing sth" (cat./sp. gana) a) [ténizi gána] b) [ténir gána]

55 55 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ summary for native items in weak position voiceless input: voicing + spirantization voiced input: > zero strong position C__weak position V__V nativeforeignnativeforeign pppββ ttt kkkɣɣ bβbzerob d dzerod gɣg g

56 56 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ metathesis /ses dormendu/ "you are sleeping a)[sézi orméndu] b)[sér romméndu] conditions on the landing site: must be a voiced stop conditions on the take-off site: ANY cluster with an r, RT or TR trigger: preceding C-final word /portas bentri manna/ you have a big belly a)[pórtaza éntri mánna] b)[pórtar βrénti mánna]

57 57 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ crossing the three criteria landing site = voiced stop internal r-group RT or TR only native vocabulary do metathesize dormiri "sleep" bentre "belly" do not metathesize barba "beard" bermi "worm" berbei "sheep" /portas barba longa/ you have long beard a)[pórtaza árβa loŋga] b)[pórtar βárβa loŋga] leaves us with only 5 roots, two of which do metathesize, against 3 that do not:

58 58 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ ==> whatever the analysis, it must be based on a LEXICAL difference between the two groups

59 59 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ external sandhi excludes allomorphic analyses, i.e. where a given morpheme has several lexical entries IF you want to stick to a modular view of grammar, i.e. where phonology and morphology are two distinct computational systems, i.e. where there is no mixing of instructions (in the same constraint hierarchy) only phonological properties of previous cycles (phases) are visible to allomorph selection phonologically conditioned allomorphy is a classical argument for abandoning modularity Embick (2010:81ff) provides an overview of the question, showing how phonologically conditioned allomorphy works in a modular framework

60 60 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ ==> if you dont like modularity, you can do phonologically conditioned allomorphy with reference to outer cycles. And generative grammar will not be the same anymore: it is an application of the Standard model of Cognitive Science to language. This model is modular. Opposed to this is the "everything is one" perspective of connectionism, which is a piece of OTs genetic endowment (Smolensky 1987, 1988) ==> if you do think that grammar is modular, you will want to have a purely phonological analysis of the metathesis mentioned, and of any external sandhi phenomenon for that matter. So do I: bear with me.

61 61 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ classical, pre-theoretical perspectives on metathesis metathesis is triggered because the liquid in its original position is illegal or in "bad shape" ==> not the case here matathesizing liquids are attracted to consonants in strong position ==> not in this case: we need a LEXICAL difference between metathesizing and non-metathesizing roots. Not all consonants in strong position cause liquids to move.

62 62 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ triggering mechanism I in Government Phonology all morphemes end in a nucleus: C- final words end in an empty nucleus /sesø/ vs. /sesi/ ==> metathesis is triggered by the empty nucleus of /sesø/ /ses dormendu//sesi dormendu/ CVCVCVCV ||||||| sessesi

63 63 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ triggering mechanism II two empty nuclei in a row are illegal hence the lexical contrast: metathesizing roots have an empty nucleus non-metathesizing roots dont CVCV-CVCVCVCVCVCV ||||||||||| sesdormendu CVCVCVCV-CVCVCV ||||||||||| portasbarba

64 64 metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian 1) tr,dr > r / VV__ repair metathesis occurs in order to repair the sequence of two empty nuclei the metathesized liquid forms a branching onset (d<=r) with the initial consonant which circumscribes the empty nucleus and thereby makes the structure well-formed. CVCV-CVCVCVCVCVCV ||||||||||| sesd<=romendu ==> the existence of an empty nucleus in the middle of the branching onset is critical

65 65 CVCVC V ||| | CTR V Lic <== IG Gvt metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian recall that a øT<=RV is well-formed

66 66 thank you for your attention

67 67 References 1 Bolognesi, Roberto The phonology of Campidanian Sardinian. Dordrecht: HIL. Bourciez, Edouard & Jean Bourciez Phonétique française. 9e édition Paris: Klincksieck. Castellani, Arrigo Precisazioni sulla gorgia toscana. Boletin de de Filologia 19: Contini, Michele Etude de géographie phonétique et de phonétique instrumentale du sarde. 2 vols. Alessandria: dell'Orso. Embick, David Localism versus Globalism in Morphology and Phonology. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Fouché, Pierre Phonétique historique du français. Trois vols. Paris: Klincksieck. Giannelli, Luciano & Leonardo Savoia L'indebolimento consonantico in Toscana (I). Rivista Italiana di Dialettologia 2: Giannelli, Luciano & Leonardo Savoia L'indebolimento consonantico in Toscana (II). Rivista Italiana di Dialettologia 3-4: Gilliéron, Jules & Edmond Edmont Atlas linguistique de la France. Paris: Champion. Lowenstamm, Jean CV as the only syllable type. Current trends in Phonology. Models and Methods, edited by Jacques Durand & Bernard Laks, Salford, Manchester: ESRI. WEB.

68 68 References 2 Marotta, Giovanna Non solo spiranti. La gorgia toscana nel parlato di Pisa. L'Italia Dialettale 62: Marotta, Giovanna Lenition in Tuscan Italian (Gorgia Toscana). Lenition and Fortition, edited by Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho, Tobias Scheer & Philippe Ségéral, Berlin: de Gruyter. McCone, Kim Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval celtic sound change. Maynooth: St. Patrick's College. Molinu, Lucia La syllabe en sarde. Ph.D dissertation, Université Sendhal de Grenoble. Rizzi, Luigi Relativized Minimality. Linguistic Inquiry Monograph 16. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Rohlfs, Gerhard Grammatica storica della lingua italiana e dei suoi dialetti. Fonetica. Torina: Einaudi. Scheer, Tobias A Lateral Theory of Phonology. Vol.1: What is CVCV, and why should it be? Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

69 69 References 3 Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer La Coda-Miroir. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 96: WEB. Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer The Coda Mirror, stress and positional parameters. Lenition and Fortition, edited by Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho, Tobias Scheer & Philippe Ségéral, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. WEB. Smolensky, Paul Connectionist AI, symbolic AI, and the brain. Artificial Intelligence Review 1: Smolensky, Paul On the proper treatment of connectionism. Brain and Behavioural Sciences 11: 1-74.

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