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Introductions Rural social geography

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1 Rural Geography: Lecture 11 Changing social imaginations in rural geography
Introductions Rural social geography “there have been shifts in the prevailing social imaginations within rural geography which have meant that many rual geographers have begun to think what may have been seen previously as unthinkable … [R]ecent years have witnessed a re-examination of earlier foci … [and] a number of new themes are emerging … relating to issues of social identity, difference snd the construction and reception of cultural images of the countryside” (Phillips, 1998a, pp ) Lecture 11: Introduction Ian has so far been discussing the countryside as an economic space: as a place of agriculture, of industry, of tourism and so. In the next set of lectures I want to explore the countryside from a 'social perspective', or perhaps more precisely from a 'social geographical perspective'. SAY SOMETHING ABOUT COMPLEXITY OF DEFINING THE TERM - Indeed, it has been suggested that rural geography has undergone something of a reinvigoration with both long established foci of socio-geographical study attention being examined in new ways and with a range of new social geographies emerging on issues relating to "social identity, social difference and the construction and reception of cultural images of the countryside" (Phillips, 1998: ***). It is argued that these issues have "brought the theories of social and cultural studies into the fore of the study of the social geography of the countryside, and indeed to some limited degree may have positioned rural geography more centrally within social and cultural studies", and certainly led to rural social geography having "come out from beneath the shadow of ... agricultural geography".

2 Changing social imaginations in rural geography (continued)
1: Social Geographies Of Human Habitation 2: Social Geography as Demography 3: Social Geography as Social Contests 4: Social Geography as Social Equity 5: Social Geographies of Community Life 6: Social Geography as Social Critique 7: Social Geographies of Difference 8: Social Geographies of Identity and Relations

3 Social Imagination 1: Social Geographies Of Human Habitation
Cloke (2000: 719) argues that rural geography did not emerge as 'a distinctly demarcated subject area' or sub-discipline until the 1970s Prior to that all human/cultural/social geography had a strong rural component See regional geographies of Vidal de la Blache and Carl Sauer Focus on the ‘material geographies’ of rural settlement "the basic contributions are those which seek to describe and map the actual distribution of the rural habitat in specific areas, and show that the distribution both as a fact in itself and in its areal relations to other geographical facts, such as relief and altitude, water supply and drainage, soils and underlying rocks, dominant crops and types of cultivation, roads and other means of communication, density and distribution of population in the area, and sometimes, political boundaries" Fawcett (1939: p. 152) Social Imagination 1: Social Geographies Of Human Habitation Rural social geography the prior to rural geography Cloke (2000: 719) has suggested that 'a distinctly demarcated subject area' or sub-discipline called 'rural geography' did not really emerge until the 1970s' and for many years previously much of what might be seen as rural geography, and indeed social geography, was subsumed under the banner of human geography or, in North America, cultural geography. Many of the classical regional studies of people such as Sauer and Vidal de la Blache were primarily, although implicitly focused on rural areas **** EXPAND ? *********. A key feature of many of these geographies was a focus on rural settlement and material landscape elements such as transport systems and field systems. Fawcett (1939: p. 152) provides one illustration of the type of approach adopted: "the basic contributions are those which seek to describe and map the actual distribution of the rural habitat in specific areas, and show that the distribution both as a fact in itself and in its areal relations to other geographical facts, such as relief and altitude, water supply and drainage, soils and underlying rocks, dominant crops and types of cultivation, roads and other means of communication, density and distribution of population in the area, and sometimes, political boundaries" .

4 Social Imagination 1: Social Geographies Of Human Habitation
Cloke (2000: 719) argues that rural geography did not emerge as 'a distinctly demarcated subject area' or sub-discipline until the 1970s Prior to that all human/cultural/social geography had a strong rural component See regional geographies of Vidal de la Blache and Carl Sauer Focus on the ‘material geographies’ of rural settlement Rural geographers hence tended to focus on the observation, measurement and spatial classification of landscape elements, with social geography often being seen to revolve around those elements related to where people lived, as in Gilbert and Steel who claimed that 'one of the four main branches of social geography "was the distribution and form of rural settlements, that is of villages, hamlets, farms and scattered dwellings" (Gillbert and Steel (1946: 118, quoted in Phillips, 1998, p. 124). Rural social geographies focused on the material geographies of where people lived E.g. Branch of social geography focused on "the distribution and form of rural settlements, that is of villages, hamlets, farms and scattered dwellings" (Gillbert and Steel (1946: 118, quoted in Phillips, 1998, p. 124).

5 Social Imagination 1: Social Geographies Of Human Habitation
Classicial studies = Demangeon ( ), Thorpe (1964), Roberts (1979) Focus continued with the emergence of positivist space science, although more quantitative and geometric in focus Classicial studies in this vein included the work of Demangeon ( ), Thorpe (1964) and Robertt (1979) _ GIVE SOME OVERHEADS. This focus on observable, measurable elements of human living was reinforced through the 1950s and 1960s through the use of quantitative measurements and development and application of abstract spatial theorisations, such as Von Thunen, Christaller and Losch. One of the clearest illustrations of this approach was Chilsholm's Rural settlement and land-use [OVER-HEAD] Clear illustration - see Chilsholm Rural settlement and land-use

6 Social Imagination 1: Social Geographies Of Human Habitation
Spatial science a ‘peopleless human geography’ ? "rural landscapes are either deserted of people .... dutifully laying out Christaller's central place networks, doing exactly the right number of hours farmwork in each of Von Thünen's concentric rings, and basically obeying the great economic laws of minimising effort and cost in negotiating physical space" (Philo, 1992, p. 201) Williams (1963) called for the adoption of a more 'sociological perspective' to rural settlement and landscape complaining that although "a reasonable amount of information about farming and the rural” was available, very little was known about “the people who worked the farms”. As was mentioned in my lecture in Early Approaches, Philo (has argued that this form of geography produced an peopleless human geography (Philo, 1991) and, writing specifically iu relation to rural geography, that it created an impression that, "rural landscapes are either deserted of people .... dutifully laying out Christaller's central place networks, doing exactly the right number of hours farmwork in each of Von Thünen's concentric rings, and basically obeying the great economic laws of minimising effort and cost in negotiating physical space" (Philo, 1992, p. ****) Philo argues for a peopling of rural geography, an argument which indeed had been made during the period when spatial science was very much coming to its ascendency. Williams (1963), for example, called for the adoption of a more 'sociological perspective' to rural settlement and landscape' complaining that although studies of British country life had produced "a reasonable amount of information about farming and the rural very little was known about the people who worked the farms, namely the farmers. More generally it can be argued that: "While the distribution of settlements and the geometrics of material landscape elements formed a major constituent of British rural social geography from middle of the century through into the 1970s and beyond, and hence it may reasonably be described as a 'peopleless' geography, it is important to note that there was a series of rural geographies which did very much focus on people and might be seen to constitute another form

7 Social Imagination 1: Social Geographies Of Human Habitation
Spatial science a ‘peopleless human geography’ ? "While the distribution of settlements and the geometrics of material landscape elements formed a major constituent of British rural social geography from middle of the century through into the 1970s and beyond, and hence it may reasonably be described as a 'peopleless' geography, it is important to note that there was a series of rural geographies which did very much focus on people” (Phillips, 1998a, p. 126) Phillips (1998b) identifies 4 other social geographies in the 1970s: Rural demography Rural resource conflict and management Access to rural services Rural community life As was mentioned in my lecture in Early Approaches, Philo (has argued that this form of geography produced an peopleless human geography (Philo, 1991) and, writing specifically iu relation to rural geography, that it created an impression that, "rural landscapes are either deserted of people .... dutifully laying out Christaller's central place networks, doing exactly the right number of hours farmwork in each of Von Thünen's concentric rings, and basically obeying the great economic laws of minimising effort and cost in negotiating physical space" (Philo, 1992, p. ****) Philo argues for a peopling of rural geography, an argument which indeed had been made during the period when spatial science was very much coming to its ascendency. Williams (1963), for example, called for the adoption of a more 'sociological perspective' to rural settlement and landscape' complaining that although studies of British country life had produced "a reasonable amount of information about farming and the rural very little was known about the people who worked the farms, namely the farmers. More generally it can be argued that: "While the distribution of settlements and the geometrics of material landscape elements formed a major constituent of British rural social geography from middle of the century through into the 1970s and beyond, and hence it may reasonably be described as a 'peopleless' geography, it is important to note that there was a series of rural geographies which did very much focus on people”. Phillips (1998b) identifies 4 other social geographies in the 1970s: Rural demography Rural resource conflict and management Access to rural services Rural community life

8 Social Imagination 2: Social Geography as Demography
Social geography = the geography of people Geography = spatial distribution Rural social geography = Changing population levels – rural depopulation, repopulation (population turnaround), population growth Causes of population change Population movement/migration – in and out migration, counter-urbanisation Rationale ? Empirically doable geography ? Connects with 'social concerns' ? For many people the term 'social geography' refers to an interest in the numbers, distributions and densities of people living in an area. In a rural context, this interest was expressed through a series of studies examining the numbers of people living in rural areas and whether people were moving in or out of the countryside. A range of areas of concerns emerged in association with this social geography: such as 'rural-urban migration' and 'rural depopulation', which came to the fore in the 1950s and 1960s, and the issue of 'urban to rural migration', a 'rural population turn around' and 'counter-urbanisation'. Whilst at times this interest appears to have had little rationale apart from it was possible to examine these issues through readily accessible information such as Population Censuses, for some people it was connected particular social concerns. So, for example, an interest in issues such as rural depopulation and counter-urbanisation were often connected to concerns such as access to resources and services and to changes in the character of social or community life in the countryside. Rural depopulation, for example, can undermine the provision of services to populations *** SOMETHING ON CYCLES OF DECLINE, while in counter-urban in migration can not only lead to a population turn around but can also lead to house prices escalations which may mean that some people who live in an area cannot afford to but a house in an area (NEED PHOTO OR SOMETHING ON HOUSE PRIOCE INFLATION).

9 Social Imagination 3: Social Geography as Social Contests
The countryside as a limited (perhaps declining) resource, but people making increasing demands upon it Social conflicts generated between rural land-users Rural social geography seen as the study of these conflicts and their management Gilg (1985) Introduction to rural geography "The future for rural geography should be an applied one, where it integrates its own research, relates this to the real behavioural world and to policy formation, and thus atte,pts to produce a rural environment that is not only physically attractive but also a lively and prosperous place to live" (p. 266)

10 Social Imagination 4: Social Geography as Social Equity
Rural depopulation can lead to removal of services for existing rural residents Counter-urbanisation often seen to result in escalating house prices: "restrictive planning policies cause an upward spiral in house prices; occupancy of houses thereby becomes restricted to those social groups who can afford the new prices" (Cloke et al, 1991, p. 38) No homes for locals Shucksmith (1981) Studies of access to employment, housing, transport, retail outlets, and legal, welfare and leisure facilities. This rural geography 'social' in the sense that it was concerned whether people were getting adequate or equal access to resources or services. From the 1970s onwards there were a large number of studies on access to such things as employment, housing, transport, retail outlets; and legal, welfare and leisure facilities. This was a rural geography which was seen as 'social' in the sense that it was concerned whether people were getting adequate or equal access to services or resources *** GET DEFINITION FROM PHILLIPS & WILLIAMS? .

11 Social Imagination 5: Social Geography as Community Life
Rural community studies: Sociological and anthropological studies in pre- and post- WWII communities (see Frankenberg, 1956, 1963; Wright, 1992, Harper, 1989) Continued by geographers in the 1960s and 1970s Often drew on notions of gemeinschaft and gessellschaft outlined by Ferdinand Tönnies 'Gemeinschaft – community: "close human relationships developed through kinship .... common habitat and .... co-operation and co-ordinated action for social good" (Harper, 1989, p. 162). 'Gesellschaft'- 'society' or association "impersonal ties and relationships based on formal exchange and contract" in which, "no actions ... manifest the will or spirit of .... unity" (Harper, 1989, p ). Social Imagination 4: Social geography as geographies of social life Another foci of rural social geography in the 1970s, and indeed for rural social studies from a much earlier date, was that rural social geography referred to the study of social life in rural settlements, or communities as they were often termed. A series of rural community studies were undertaken by socialogists, anthropologists and geographers were published in or soon after World War II (See Frankenberg, 1956, 1963; Wright, 19***, Harper, 1989). Many of these studies, and a series of subsequent studies by rural geographers, made use, albeit often implicitly, on ideas of gemeinschaft and gesellshaft outlined by the German sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies (1957). Tönnies argued that there were two basiv types of human relations: 'gemeinschaft' or 'community' and 'gesellschaft' or 'society'. Gemeinschaft was seen to be related to "close human relationships developed through kinship .... common habitat and .... co-operation and co-ordinated action for social good" while society was seen to be created through "impersonal ties and relationships based on formal exchange and contract" in which, "no actions ... manifest the will or spirit of .... unity" (Harper, 1989, p ). As Harper (1989, p. 163) has remarked, Tönnies presented the concepts of gemeinschaft and gesellschaft "as themes for analysis" rather than as social forms linked to particular settlement types or even particular historical periods. However, Tönnies, and more especially later writers who drew upon his ideas, frequently linked the gemeinschaft and gesellschaft division into both spatial and temporal divisions. Historical and rural places were seen to be characterised as spaces of gemeinschaft and modern urban places as spaces of gesellschaft. It was further often argued that there was not clear divide between urban and rural settlements and that there was a rural-urban continuum, both in terms of population numbers and densities, and also in terms of the proportion of gemein and gesellschaft. Such analyses also connected to the social geography of demographic change in if rural areas were almost by definition areas of gemeinschaft then changes in the size of a rural population would lead to a shift in the overall balance of gemeinschaft and an increase in gesellschaft. One illustration of such a line of argument is Rees who saw a clear link between depopulation and the survival of gemeinschaft: "every person counts as part of the social organism and when one dies or leaves the hamlet he [sic] is missed by the whole community, a sense of incompleteness lingers on as though the whole organism had lost a limb" (Rees, 1950, p. 99). The notion of a transition from gemeinschaft to gesellschaft continued even when concern over rural depopulation faded into the background to became replaced by concern over counter-urbanisation. Although counterurbanisation was seen to spell the end of rural depopulation, it was not seen to spell the end of the rise of gesellschaft over gemeinschaft: rather population growth and the incursion of ex-urban migrants was seen to mean that social relations of gesellschaft were encroaching into the spaces of gemeinschaft. One early illustrration fo such as argument is provided by Williams: "Every development that has taken place in parish affairs has emphasised and reflected an urban way of life in various ways. Against this the traditional way of life is static and can offer nothing to replace the loss of community feeling which is a result of these development" (Williams, 1956, p. 203).  The issue of population change and its impact on gemeinschaft characteristics of rural communities dominated much of rural social geography from the 1960s, although a series of critiicism were raised about it. One of the strongest critics was Pahl (1966) who, amongst other things, argued that relations of gemeinschaft and gesellschaft had social origins which had nothing to do with the spatial characters of places. For Pahl an 'urban way of life' was a sociological feature not a geographical: hence one can have urban ways of life in the country as well as in towns. He argued for the replacement of the geographically tainted concepts of urban and rural ways of life with the more sociological concepts of 'national' and 'local' ways of life which he saw as relating to degrees of freedom from social constraints and thereby to sociological factors like social class and stage in the life-cycle ILLUSTRATE BY MAUND & LKEWIS?

12 Social Imagination 5: Social Geography as Community Life
Tönnies presented the concepts of gemeinschaft and gesellschaft "as themes for analysis" (Harper, 1989, p. 163) rather than as social forms linked to places or periods However: Is gemeinshaft historical and rural ? Gesellschaft modern and urban ? Rural-urban continuum Gemeinshaft/gesellschaft continuum ? Movement along continuum as population changed ? "every person counts as part of the social organism and when one dies or leaves the hamlet he [sic] is missed by the whole community, a sense of incompleteness lingers on as though the whole organism had lost a limb" (Rees, 1950, p. 99). "Every development that has taken place in parish affairs has emphasised and reflected an urban way of life in various ways. Against this the traditional way of life is static and can offer nothing to replace the loss of community feeling which is a result of these development" (Williams, 1956, p. 203). Social Imagination 4: Social geography as geographies of social life Another foci of rural social geography in the 1970s, and indeed for rural social studies from a much earlier date, was that rural social geography referred to the study of social life in rural settlements, or communities as they were often termed. A series of rural community studies were undertaken by socialogists, anthropologists and geographers were published in or soon after World War II (See Frankenberg, 1956, 1963; Wright, 19***, Harper, 1989). Many of these studies, and a series of subsequent studies by rural geographers, made use, albeit often implicitly, on ideas of gemeinschaft and gesellshaft outlined by the German sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies (1957). Tönnies argued that there were two basiv types of human relations: 'gemeinschaft' or 'community' and 'gesellschaft' or 'society'. Gemeinschaft was seen to be related to "close human relationships developed through kinship .... common habitat and .... co-operation and co-ordinated action for social good" while society was seen to be created through "impersonal ties and relationships based on formal exchange and contract" in which, "no actions ... manifest the will or spirit of .... unity" (Harper, 1989, p ). As Harper (1989, p. 163) has remarked, Tönnies presented the concepts of gemeinschaft and gesellschaft "as themes for analysis" rather than as social forms linked to particular settlement types or even particular historical periods. However, Tönnies, and more especially later writers who drew upon his ideas, frequently linked the gemeinschaft and gesellschaft division into both spatial and temporal divisions. Historical and rural places were seen to be characterised as spaces of gemeinschaft and modern urban places as spaces of gesellschaft. It was further often argued that there was not clear divide between urban and rural settlements and that there was a rural-urban continuum, both in terms of population numbers and densities, and also in terms of the proportion of gemein and gesellschaft. Such analyses also connected to the social geography of demographic change in if rural areas were almost by definition areas of gemeinschaft then changes in the size of a rural population would lead to a shift in the overall balance of gemeinschaft and an increase in gesellschaft. One illustration of such a line of argument is Rees who saw a clear link between depopulation and the survival of gemeinschaft: "every person counts as part of the social organism and when one dies or leaves the hamlet he [sic] is missed by the whole community, a sense of incompleteness lingers on as though the whole organism had lost a limb" (Rees, 1950, p. 99). The notion of a transition from gemeinschaft to gesellschaft continued even when concern over rural depopulation faded into the background to became replaced by concern over counter-urbanisation. Although counterurbanisation was seen to spell the end of rural depopulation, it was not seen to spell the end of the rise of gesellschaft over gemeinschaft: rather population growth and the incursion of ex-urban migrants was seen to mean that social relations of gesellschaft were encroaching into the spaces of gemeinschaft. One early illustrration fo such as argument is provided by Williams: "Every development that has taken place in parish affairs has emphasised and reflected an urban way of life in various ways. Against this the traditional way of life is static and can offer nothing to replace the loss of community feeling which is a result of these development" (Williams, 1956, p. 203).  The issue of population change and its impact on gemeinschaft characteristics of rural communities dominated much of rural social geography from the 1960s, although a series of critiicism were raised about it. One of the strongest critics was Pahl (1966) who, amongst other things, argued that relations of gemeinschaft and gesellschaft had social origins which had nothing to do with the spatial characters of places. For Pahl an 'urban way of life' was a sociological feature not a geographical: hence one can have urban ways of life in the country as well as in towns. He argued for the replacement of the geographically tainted concepts of urban and rural ways of life with the more sociological concepts of 'national' and 'local' ways of life which he saw as relating to degrees of freedom from social constraints and thereby to sociological factors like social class and stage in the life-cycle ILLUSTRATE BY MAUND & LKEWIS?

13 Social Imagination 6: Social geography as Social Critique
Late 1970s/1980s calls for a 'critical rural studies (See Newby, 1977, 1980; Hoggart, 1987,Cloke, 1989; Phillips, 1994) Critical = ? 'independent and sceptical attitude towards rural phenomena' (Newby and Buttel, 1982, p. 3). critical stance towards 'the structure and institutions of rural society' Look beyond 'the clichéd and subjective experience of … people' Sociological imagination was 'politically charged: it was prepared to reject the accepted structures, institutions and perceptions of the countryside' (Phillips, 1993, p. 89) Social imagination 4: social geography as social critique The romanticism of community studies was commented upon by a range of rural researchers who came in the late 1970s and early 1980s to espose a 'radical' or 'critical approach' to rural studies (e.g. Newby, 1977, 1980a; Hoggart, 1987; see also Cloke, 1989; Phillips, 1994). According to two suhc rural researchers, the adjective 'critical' was used to imply "a more independent and sceptical attitude towards rural phenomena", the avoidance of "adopting a wholly uncritical stance towards the structure and rural society" and a desire to go "beyond the clichéd and subjective experience of … people" . In the sociological imagination of these critical rural researcher, rural studies was to become "politically charged: it was prepared to reject the accepted structures, institutions and perceptions of the countryside" . In particular, it was widely argued that rural researchers needed to recognise, and critique, the way that the countryside was being structured for, and in the interests, of capitalist organisations and agencies, and for people who might be seen as affluent and powerful. As noted in Phillips (1998b) the general line of argument "was to avoid overly 'voluntarist accounts' of human actions, and to recognise the influence of social structures which lay beyond the individual and the discursive". It is also noted that, '[I]n both human and rural geography, the advocacy of a critical approach was quickly followed by the adoption of a variant of Marxist or neo-Marxist political economy' (Phillips, 1998b, p. 35), although Phillips (1994) argues, drawing on the notion of Critical Theory advances by German sociologist/philosopher Jürgen Habermas, that that this type of analysis could "usefully be supplementedwith a recognition of the 'communicative' aspects of social life". The concerns of critical theory and Marxist political economy in particular came to exert a major influence on rural geography from the 1980s. Many of the issues and ideas that Ian has talked about – such as the 'subsumption' of land and labour to capital, ******** - are derived from such perspectives, and many issues highlighted within previous social geographies of the countryside came to be re-examined through the theoretical lenses and concerns of Marxist and neo-Marxist political economy. Issues of service provision, for instance, were re-examined through theories of the capitalist state (see Cloke and Little, 1991), while rural demographic change was examined through notions of class and capitalist development industries (see *********).

14 Social Imagination 6: Social geography as Social Critique
Focus often on capitalist social relations and institutions, and on the affluent and powerful social groups '[T]he argument was to avoid overly "voluntarist accounts" of human actions, and to recognise the influence of social structures which lay beyond the individual and the discursive. In both human and rural geography, the advocacy of a critical approach was quickly followed by the adoption of a variant of Marxist or neo-Marxist political economy' (Phillips, 1998b, p. 35) Marxist/neo-Marxist economy became the 'new orthodoxy' Subject to repeated criticism by 'traditionalists' (see Gilg, 1985; Robinson, 1990) Phillips (1994) on critical theory which 'supplements' political economy with 'a recognition of the "communicative" aspects of social life". Social imagination 4: social geography as social critique The romanticism of community studies was commented upon by a range of rural researchers who came in the late 1970s and early 1980s to espose a 'radical' or 'critical approach' to rural studies (e.g. Newby, 1977, 1980a; Hoggart, 1987; see also Cloke, 1989; Phillips, 1994). According to two suhc rural researchers, the adjective 'critical' was used to imply "a more independent and sceptical attitude towards rural phenomena", the avoidance of "adopting a wholly uncritical stance towards the structure and rural society" and a desire to go "beyond the clichéd and subjective experience of … people" . In the sociological imagination of these critical rural researcher, rural studies was to become "politically charged: it was prepared to reject the accepted structures, institutions and perceptions of the countryside" . In particular, it was widely argued that rural researchers needed to recognise, and critique, the way that the countryside was being structured for, and in the interests, of capitalist organisations and agencies, and for people who might be seen as affluent and powerful. As noted in Phillips (1998b) the general line of argument "was to avoid overly 'voluntarist accounts' of human actions, and to recognise the influence of social structures which lay beyond the individual and the discursive". It is also noted that, '[I]n both human and rural geography, the advocacy of a critical approach was quickly followed by the adoption of a variant of Marxist or neo-Marxist political economy' (Phillips, 1998b, p. 35), although Phillips (1994) argues, drawing on the notion of Critical Theory advances by German sociologist/philosopher Jürgen Habermas, that that this type of analysis could "usefully be supplementedwith a recognition of the 'communicative' aspects of social life". The concerns of critical theory and Marxist political economy in particular came to exert a major influence on rural geography from the 1980s. Many of the issues and ideas that Ian has talked about – such as the 'subsumption' of land and labour to capital, ******** - are derived from such perspectives, and many issues highlighted within previous social geographies of the countryside came to be re-examined through the theoretical lenses and concerns of Marxist and neo-Marxist political economy. Issues of service provision, for instance, were re-examined through theories of the capitalist state (see Cloke and Little, 1991), while rural demographic change was examined through notions of class and capitalist development industries (see *********).

15 Social imagination 7: Social geographies of difference
In 1990s new challenge raised by discussions of postmodernism Philo (1992) 'Neglected rural geographies' Argued that 'spatial-scientific' geography was not the only 'people less' human geography: "whether ... written in an empirical descriptive vein or proceed from more self-aware theoretical vantages (whether Marxist, political economic, humanistic, phenomenological or whatever) - there remains a danger of portraying British rural people (at least the ones that seem important in shaping and feeling the locality) as all being 'Mr Averages': as being men in employment, earning enough to live, white and probably English, straight and somehow without sexuality, able in body and sound in mind, and devoid of any other quirks of (say) religious belief or political affiliation"(p. 200) Social imagination 5: social geographies of difference Many rural geographers wedded to social imaginations other than that of critical social theory and Marxist political theory remained highly sceptical about the value of the social geographies being created and there was a lively, and at time quite acrimonious debate between the advocates and sceptics of a critical rural geography (see Gilg, 1985; Robinson 1990) a cf. Hoggart and Buller (1987); Cloke (1989); Cloke and Little, 1991; Phillips, 1994). In the 1990s, however, a new challenge was raised when a number of authors argued that rural studies should adopty a postmodern approach. Particularly significant in this movement has been a debate in the Journal of rural studies initiated by Philo's article entitled 'Neglected rural others'. As has been already mentioned, Philo argued in this article that much of rural social geography had been effectively 'lifeless'. His comments on the impact of rural geographers adopting a spatial science perspective has already been outlined, but his charge of lifelessness was not restricted just to this approach but also encompassed many "contributions to rural geography that stand outside of the spatial-scientific mode of treatment" . In particular Philo argued that many studies in rural geography, "whether they are written in an empirical descriptive vein or proceed from more self-aware theoretical vantages (whether Marxist, political economic, humanistic, phenomenological or whatever) ... [run the] danger of portraying ... rural people (at least the ones that seem important in shaping and feeling the locality) as all being 'Mr Averages': as being men in employment, earning enough to live, white and probably English, straight and somehow without sexuality, able in body and sound in mind, and devoid of any other quirks of (say) religious belief or political affiliation" . Philo argued for what he had previously described as a 'postmodern sensitivity to difference' - a recognition of the way "social life is ... fractured along numerous lines of difference constitutive of overlapping and 'multiple forms of otherness'" - and also, "a heightened sensitivity to rural 'others' ... so that the worlds of all of those people who stands outside of the societal 'mainstream', those who are not male, white, heterosexual, middle class, middle-aged, able-bodied and sound minded, could be brought much more into academic focus (rather than appearing as byproducts of conventional inquiries into rural economy, society, politics and culture)" . SAY SOMETHING ABOUT HIS VIEW ABOUT CLASS. THEN NOTE HOW HIS CALL FOR THE STUDY OF A DIFFERENCECAN BE SEEN TO HAVE BEEN IN LARGE PART HEEDED, WITH A WHOLE HOST OF STUDIES OF NEGECLETD OTHERS AND AXES OF SOCIALDIFFERENTIAL HAVING EMERGED> HENCE< FOR INSTANCE,,THERE HAVE BEEN STUDIES OF: RURAL WOMENA ND THE ROLE FO GENDER RELATIONS ; Little, 2001; Agg and Phillips, 1996; Brandth, 1995. THE RURAL GAY AND LESBIAN POPULATION & SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION THROUGH SEXUALITY - Bell and Valentine WOMEN OF COLOUR AND SOCIAL DIFFERNETIATION THROUGH RACE/ISM TRaVELLERS – NEW AGE AND GYPSIES Halfacree , Hetherington and Urry AND HOW LIFESTYLE AND MOBILITY ACT AS A LINE OF SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION THE DISABLED , AND HOW PHYSICAL AND MENTAL ABILITIES AND DISABILITIES ARE USED AS A LINE FO SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION ; Matless ,

16 Social imagination 7: Social geographies of difference
In 1990s new challenge raised by discussions of postmodernism Philo (1992) 'Neglected rural geographies' Argued for a 'postmodern sensitivity to difference': 'social life is ... fractured along numerous lines of difference constitutive of overlapping and "multiple forms of otherness'" (p. 201) And 'a heightened sensitivity to rural "others"': ' so that the worlds of all of those people who stands outside of the societal 'mainstream', those who are not male, white, heterosexual, middle class, middle-aged, able-bodied and sound minded, could be brought much more into academic focus (rather than appearing as by products of conventional inquiries into rural economy, society, politics and culture)" . Social imagination 5: social geographies of difference Many rural geographers wedded to social imaginations other than that of critical social theory and Marxist political theory remained highly sceptical about the value of the social geographies being created and there was a lively, and at time quite acrimonious debate between the advocates and sceptics of a critical rural geography (see Gilg, 1985; Robinson 1990) a cf. Hoggart and Buller (1987); Cloke (1989); Cloke and Little, 1991; Phillips, 1994). In the 1990s, however, a new challenge was raised when a number of authors argued that rural studies should adopty a postmodern approach. Particularly significant in this movement has been a debate in the Journal of rural studies initiated by Philo's article entitled 'Neglected rural others'. As has been already mentioned, Philo argued in this article that much of rural social geography had been effectively 'lifeless'. His comments on the impact of rural geographers adopting a spatial science perspective has already been outlined, but his charge of lifelessness was not restricted just to this approach but also encompassed many "contributions to rural geography that stand outside of the spatial-scientific mode of treatment" . In particular Philo argued that many studies in rural geography, "whether they are written in an empirical descriptive vein or proceed from more self-aware theoretical vantages (whether Marxist, political economic, humanistic, phenomenological or whatever) ... [run the] danger of portraying ... rural people (at least the ones that seem important in shaping and feeling the locality) as all being 'Mr Averages': as being men in employment, earning enough to live, white and probably English, straight and somehow without sexuality, able in body and sound in mind, and devoid of any other quirks of (say) religious belief or political affiliation" . Philo argued for what he had previously described as a 'postmodern sensitivity to difference' - a recognition of the way "social life is ... fractured along numerous lines of difference constitutive of overlapping and 'multiple forms of otherness'" - and also, "a heightened sensitivity to rural 'others' ... so that the worlds of all of those people who stands outside of the societal 'mainstream', those who are not male, white, heterosexual, middle class, middle-aged, able-bodied and sound minded, could be brought much more into academic focus (rather than appearing as byproducts of conventional inquiries into rural economy, society, politics and culture)" . SAY SOMETHING ABOUT HIS VIEW ABOUT CLASS. THEN NOTE HOW HIS CALL FOR THE STUDY OF A DIFFERENCECAN BE SEEN TO HAVE BEEN IN LARGE PART HEEDED, WITH A WHOLE HOST OF STUDIES OF NEGECLETD OTHERS AND AXES OF SOCIALDIFFERENTIAL HAVING EMERGED> HENCE< FOR INSTANCE,,THERE HAVE BEEN STUDIES OF: RURAL WOMENA ND THE ROLE FO GENDER RELATIONS ; Little, 2001; Agg and Phillips, 1996; Brandth, 1995. THE RURAL GAY AND LESBIAN POPULATION & SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION THROUGH SEXUALITY - Bell and Valentine WOMEN OF COLOUR AND SOCIAL DIFFERNETIATION THROUGH RACE/ISM TRaVELLERS – NEW AGE AND GYPSIES Halfacree , Hetherington and Urry AND HOW LIFESTYLE AND MOBILITY ACT AS A LINE OF SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION THE DISABLED , AND HOW PHYSICAL AND MENTAL ABILITIES AND DISABILITIES ARE USED AS A LINE FO SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION ; Matless ,

17 Social imagination 7: Social geographies of difference
Women and gender relations Gay and lesbians; sexuality Social imagination 5: social geographies of difference Many rural geographers wedded to social imaginations other than that of critical social theory and Marxist political theory remained highly sceptical about the value of the social geographies being created and there was a lively, and at time quite acrimonious debate between the advocates and sceptics of a critical rural geography (see Gilg, 1985; Robinson 1990) a cf. Hoggart and Buller (1987); Cloke (1989); Cloke and Little, 1991; Phillips, 1994). In the 1990s, however, a new challenge was raised when a number of authors argued that rural studies should adopty a postmodern approach. Particularly significant in this movement has been a debate in the Journal of rural studies initiated by Philo's article entitled 'Neglected rural others'. As has been already mentioned, Philo argued in this article that much of rural social geography had been effectively 'lifeless'. His comments on the impact of rural geographers adopting a spatial science perspective has already been outlined, but his charge of lifelessness was not restricted just to this approach but also encompassed many "contributions to rural geography that stand outside of the spatial-scientific mode of treatment" . In particular Philo argued that many studies in rural geography, "whether they are written in an empirical descriptive vein or proceed from more self-aware theoretical vantages (whether Marxist, political economic, humanistic, phenomenological or whatever) ... [run the] danger of portraying ... rural people (at least the ones that seem important in shaping and feeling the locality) as all being 'Mr Averages': as being men in employment, earning enough to live, white and probably English, straight and somehow without sexuality, able in body and sound in mind, and devoid of any other quirks of (say) religious belief or political affiliation" . Philo argued for what he had previously described as a 'postmodern sensitivity to difference' - a recognition of the way "social life is ... fractured along numerous lines of difference constitutive of overlapping and 'multiple forms of otherness'" - and also, "a heightened sensitivity to rural 'others' ... so that the worlds of all of those people who stands outside of the societal 'mainstream', those who are not male, white, heterosexual, middle class, middle-aged, able-bodied and sound minded, could be brought much more into academic focus (rather than appearing as byproducts of conventional inquiries into rural economy, society, politics and culture)" . SAY SOMETHING ABOUT HIS VIEW ABOUT CLASS. THEN NOTE HOW HIS CALL FOR THE STUDY OF A DIFFERENCECAN BE SEEN TO HAVE BEEN IN LARGE PART HEEDED, WITH A WHOLE HOST OF STUDIES OF NEGECLETD OTHERS AND AXES OF SOCIALDIFFERENTIAL HAVING EMERGED> HENCE< FOR INSTANCE,,THERE HAVE BEEN STUDIES OF: RURAL WOMENA ND THE ROLE FO GENDER RELATIONS ; Little, 2001; Agg and Phillips, 1996; Brandth, 1995. THE RURAL GAY AND LESBIAN POPULATION & SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION THROUGH SEXUALITY - Bell and Valentine WOMEN OF COLOUR AND SOCIAL DIFFERNETIATION THROUGH RACE/ISM TRaVELLERS – NEW AGE AND GYPSIES Halfacree , Hetherington and Urry AND HOW LIFESTYLE AND MOBILITY ACT AS A LINE OF SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION THE DISABLED , AND HOW PHYSICAL AND MENTAL ABILITIES AND DISABILITIES ARE USED AS A LINE FO SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION ; Matless , Women of colour and social differentiation through race/racism The disabled , and how physical and mental abilities Travellers and mobility

18 Contemporary rural social geography
Cloke and Little (1997): "more recent cultural geographies are being overlaid, palimpsestually, onto existing accounts" (p. 2) "a resurgence in rural studies over recent years, not only as it embraces the 'cultural turn' which is evident in the broader social sciences, but also as it achieves a wider significance …[R[ural studies have bridged over into wider concerns, with considerable intellectual excitement being generated in the process" (Cloke and Little, 1997, p. 1-2). 'excitement and "fizz"' of contemporary rural (social) geography We will be looking at the relationship between communities and neo-tribes in the next lecture but one. But before that I will return to some of the more traditional perspectives on rural social geography, particularly those that focus on the demographic change in rural areas. Before we do so, it is perhaps apt to end by noting that Cloke and Little's (1997, p. 2) claim that: "more recent cultural geographies are being overlaid, palimpsestually, onto existing accounts" . The result is, they suggest : "a resurgence in rural studies over recent years, not only as it embraces the 'cultural turn' which is evident int eh braoder social sciences, but also as it achieves a wider significance …[R[ural studies have bridged over into wider concerns, with considerable intellectual excitement being generated in the process" (cloke and Little, 1997, p. 1-2). Rural geography, they argue currently exhibits considerable 'excitement and "fizz"', features which may well be particularly evident in the study of rural social geographies and may well stem from the diversity of social imaginations being employed in its study.


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